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Author Topic: 1- Basic database of Nile Valley studies
zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova
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I draw a blank now on those 2. Probably buried somewhere
in the master list.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------

more for the archives...

Modern Egyptians cluster with Sub-Saharan Africans on several counts
QUOTE:

"The biological characteristics of modern
Egyptians show a north-south cline, reflecting
their geographic location between sub-Saharan
Africa and the Levant. This is expressed in DNA,
blood groups, serum proteins and genetic
disorders (Filon 1996; Hammer et al. 1998; Krings
et al. 1999). They can also be expressed in
phenotypic characteristics that can be identified
in teeth and bones (Crichton 1966; Froment 1992;
Keita 1996). These characteristics include head
form, facial and nasal characteristics, jaw
relationships, tooth size, morphology and
upper/lower limb proportions. In all these
features, Modern Egyptians resemble Sub-Saharan
Africans (Howells 1989, Keita 1995)."

-- Smith, P. (2002) The palaeo-biological
evidence for admixture between populations in the
southern Levant and Egypt in the fourth to third
millennia BCE. in E.C.M van den Brink and TE Levy, eds.
Egypt and the Levant: interrelations from the 4th through the
3rd millenium, BCE. Leicester Univ Press: 2002, 118-28

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"Descriptions and photographs of late paleolithic
remains from Egypt indicate characteristics which
distinguish them clearly from their European
counterparts at 30,000 and 20,000 years BP (cf.
Thoma, 1984; Stewart, 1985; Angel 1986). These
characteristics, commonly called "Negroid", are
shared with later Nile Valley and more southerly
groups. Epipaleolithic Nile valley remains
diverge notably from their Maghreban and European
counterparts in key craniofacial characteristics
(see comments in Keita, 1990); although late
Natufian hunters and early Anatolian farmers
(Angel, 1972) shared many of these traits,
suggesting late Paleolithic migration out of
Africa, as supported by archaeology (Bar Yosef,
1987)."

--International Journal of Anthropology, Volume 10. 1995. pg 110

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"Descriptions and photographs of late paleolithic
remains from Egypt indicate characteristics which
distinguish them clearly from their European
counterparts at 30,000 and 20,000 years BP (cf.
Thoma, 1984; Stewart, 1985; Angel 1986). These
characteristics, commonly called "Negroid", are
shared with later Nile Valley and more southerly
groups. Epipaleolithic Nile valley remains
diverge notably from their Maghreban and European
counterparts in key craniofacial characteristics
(see comments in Keita, 1990); although late
Natufian hunters and early Anatolian farmers
(Angel, 1972) shared many of these traits,
suggesting late Paleolithic migration out of
Africa, as supported by archaeology (Bar Yosef,
1987)."

--International Journal of Anthropology, Volume 10. 1995. pg 110

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African M1

"The majority of the resting M lineages found in Arabia has matches or are related to Indian clades. In addition, some M sequences point to rare links with more remote geographic regions as Central Asia, West New Guinea and even Australia (Abu-Amero et al., 2008). Although more ancient connections cannot be discarded, it seems that this rare M component in the Arabian populations could be the result of trade and military links among those regions in Arabia during and after the British role. As all the M lineages found in Arabia belong to haplogroups that have deeper roots and diversities in other geographic regions, its presence in the Arabian peninsula is better explained as external genetic inputs. Therefore, there are no traces of autochthonous M lineages in Arabia that could support the exit of modern humans from Africa across the Bab al Mandab strait."

--Vicente M. Cabrera et al. 2009

Cabrera V. et. al (2009). The Arabian Penisula: Gate for Human Migrations Out of Africa or Cul-de-sac? A Mitochondrial DNA Phylogeographic Perspective. IN: Petraglia, D. and Rose J. (eds) (2009) The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia: Paleoenvironments, Prehistory and Genetics. Springer: 2010. pp. 79-87
--------------------------------------------------------------------

"Macrohaplogroup M in Arabia

Macrohaplogroup M is particularly abundant and diverse in South and Southeast Asia, reaching frequencies above 60% in some regions (Metspalu et al., 2004). However, it is practically absent in western Asia (Quintana-Murci et al., 2004). In Africa, only one autochthonous basal branch of M, named M1, has been detected (Quintana-Murci et al., 1999). In this continent it has a predominant northern distribution. M1 is particularly abundant in Ethiopia (20%). From there, frequencies significantly diminish forming decreasing gradients westwards and southwards. It has been proposed that the presence of M1 in Africa and surrounding Mediterranean areas can be explained as result of two expansion centers situated in East and Northwest Africa which are marked by the radiation of subhaplogroups M1a and M1b respectively (Olivieri et al., 2006; González et al., 2007). Although the coalescence age of M1 is Paleolithic it seems that the most important expansions occurred in Neolithic times when the Sahara was a more hospitable region. Some authors consider that the presence of M1 in Africa supports the idea that macrohaplogroup M originated in eastern Africa and was carried towards Asia with the out of Africa expansion (Quintana-Murci et al., 1999), others think that the distribution of M1 in Africa traces an early human backflow to this Continent from Asia (Maca-Meyer et al., 2001; Olivieri et al., 2006; González et al., 2007).

In Arabia, M lineages account for 7% of the total and half of them belong to the M1 African clade. M1 frequencies are significantly greater in western Arabian regions than in the East (Abu-Amero et al., 2008). As the majority of the M1 haplotypes in Arabia belong to the East African M1a subclade, it seems that, likewise L lineages, [b]the M1 presence in the Arabian peninsula signals a predominant East African influence since the Neolithic onwards."

--Vicente M. Cabrera et al. 2009
Cabrera V. et. al (2009). The Arabian Penisula: Gate for Human Migrations Out of Africa or Cul-de-sac? A Mitochondrial DNA Phylogeographic Perspective. IN: Petraglia, D. and Rose J. (eds) (2009) The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia: Paleoenvironments, Prehistory and Genetics. Springer: 2010. pp. 79-87

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Ancient "Middle Easterners" lack the tropical body proportions of ancient Egyptians

QUOTE:

"There is long-standing disagreement regarding
Upper Pleistocene human evolution in Western
Asia, particularly the Levant. Some argue that
there were two different populations, perhaps
different species, of Upper Pleistocene Levantine
hominids. The first, from the Israeli sites of
Qafzeh and Skhul, is anatomically modern. The
second, from sites such as Amud, Kebara, and
Tabun, is archaic, or "Neandertal" in morphology.
Others argue that this is a false dichotomy and
that all of these hominids belong to a single,
highly variable population. In this paper I
attempt to resolve this issue by examining
postcranial measures reflective of body shape.
Results indicate that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids
have African-like, or tropically adapted,
proportions, while those from Amud, Kebara,
Tabun, and Shanidar (Iraq) have more
European-like, or cold-adapted, proportions. This
suggests that there were in fact two distinct
Western Asian populations and that the
Qafzeh-Skhul hominids were likely African in
origin - a result consistent with the
"Replacement" model of modern human origins.

What we can say, however, is that in the
Holocene, humans from southwest Asia do not
exhibit tropically adapted body shape (Crognier
1981; Eveleth and Tanner 1976; Schreider
1975).... "


---Trenton Holliday (2000) Evolution at the
Crossroads: Modern Human Emergence in Western
Asia. American Anthropologist. New Series,
Vol. 102, No. 1, 54-68

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full quote:

Ancient "Middle Easterners" lack the tropical body proportions of ancient Egyptians

QUOTE:

"There is long-standing disagreement regarding
Upper Pleistocene human evolution in Western
Asia, particularly the Levant. Some argue that
there were two different populations, perhaps
different species, of Upper Pleistocene Levantine
hominids. The first, from the Israeli sites of
Qafzeh and Skhul, is anatomically modern. The
second, from sites such as Amud, Kebara, and
Tabun, is archaic, or "Neandertal" in morphology.
Others argue that this is a false dichotomy and
that all of these hominids belong to a single,
highly variable population. In this paper I
attempt to resolve this issue by examining
postcranial measures reflective of body shape.
Results indicate that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids
have African-like, or tropically adapted,
proportions, while those from Amud, Kebara,
Tabun, and Shanidar (Iraq) have more
European-like, or cold-adapted, proportions. This
suggests that there were in fact two distinct
Western Asian populations and that the
Qafzeh-Skhul hominids were likely African in
origin - a result consistent with the
"Replacement" model of modern human origins.

"What we can say, however, is that in
the Holocene, humans from southwest
Asia do not exhibit tropically adapted
body shape (Crognier 1981; Eveleth and
Tanner 1976; Schreider 1975). In
addition, while Levantine winters today
are generally characterized as mild
(Henkin et al. 1998), they are
nonetheless quite often cold, with
frequent snowfall—for example, the
winter of 1992 was particularly cold and
snowy in Israel (Vishnevetsky and
Steinberger 19%). Given that the
Holocene is a warm phase, yet recent
Levantine humans do not exhibit a
tropically adapted morphology, there is
little reason to assume that in the
(generally colder) Pleistocene epoch,
natural selection alone could result in
tropically adapted morphology in the
region.

Thus, the discovery of tropically adapted
hominids in the region would therefore
likely indicate population dispersal from
the TROPICS, and the most logical
geographic source for such an influx is
Africa. In this regard, Trinkaus (1981,
1984, 1995) and Ruff (1994) have
argued that the high brachial and crural
indices, narrow biiliac breadths, and
small relative femoral head sizes of the
Qafzeh-Skhul hominids suggest an
influx of African genes associated with
the emergence of modern humans in the
region."


---Trenton Holliday (2000) Evolution at the
Crossroads: Modern Human Emergence in Western
Asia. American Anthropologist. New Series,
Vol. 102, No. 1, 54-68

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 -

Emergence of Haplogroup M
occurred among dark-skinned tropical
peoples

– QUOTE:

"Macaulay's research team analyses the
Orang Asli, the aboriginal inhabitants of
the Malay Penisula, while Thangaraj and
colleagues focused on the Andamese
islanders, called 'Negritos' (for the
characteristic phenotype of dark skin),
both groups performing a large number
of complete mitochondrial sequences in
order to clarify the origin of these
populations. They discovered that both
Orang Asli and Andaman islanders
harboured ancient mtDNA lineages,
belonging to the founder haplogroups M,
N, and R, with coalescence ages of
~44,000 to ~63,000 years, which were
considered the legacy of an early
diffusion of modern humans out of
Africa. Thus, there was a single rapid out
of Africa dispersal (~70,000 years ago)
involving a founding group of
individuals harbouring the L3 mtDNA
haplogroup and starting from the Horn
of Africa towards the Persian Gulf and
further along the tropical coast of the
Indian Ocean to Southeast Asia and
Australasia. During this coastal
migration, haplogroups M, N and R
evolved and the ancestral L3 was lost.
Moreover, this scenario is strongly
supported by palaeoenvironmental
evidence, confirming that a northern
migration would have been impossible
during the glacial period extending from
~70,000 to 50,000 years ago."


Haplogroup M not found much in
Europe or the Middle East, but in Africa,
M1 appears

- QUOTE.

"The richest basal variation in the
founder haplogroups , N and R is found
among the southern stretch of Eurasia,
particularly in the Indian subcontinent
(Figure 1), suggesting a rapid
colonization along the southern coast of
Asia.. Western Eurasians, in contrast
with Southern Asians, eastern Eurasians,
and Australasians, have a high level of
haplogroup diversity within the
haplogroup N and R, but lack
haplogroup M also entirely (Figure 1)...
Although Haplogroup M differentiated
soon after the out of Africa exit and it is
widely distributed in Asia (east Asia and
India) and Oceania, there is an
interesting exception for one of its more
than 40 sub-clades: M1.. Indeed this
lineage is mainly limited to the African
continent with peaks in the Horn of
Africa."
--Paola Spinozzi, Alessandro Zironi .
(2010). Origins as a Paradigm in the
Sciences and in the Humanities.
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. pp. 48-50


Misleading "Eurasian" label flagged
by some scholars

- QUOTE:
"The historical linguistic data reported
earlier would apply in the case of
maternal lineages as well.. it is not likely
that the "northern" genetic profile is
simply due to "Eurasians" having
colonized supra-Saharan regions from
external African sources. It might be
likely that the greater percentage of
haplotypes called "Eurasian" are
predominantly, although not solely, of
indigenous African origin. As a term
"Eurasian" is likely misleading, since it
suggests a single locale of geographical
origins. This is because it can be
postulated that differentiation of the L3*
haplogroup began before the emigration
out of Africa, and that there would be
indigenous supra-Saharan/Saharan or
Horn-supra-Saharan haplotypes. More
work and careful analysis of mtDNA and
the archeological data and likely
probabilities is needed. Early hunting
and gathering paleolithic populations can
be modeled as having roamed between
northern Africa and Eurasia, leaving an
asymmetrical distribution of various
derivative variants over a wide region,
giving the appearance of Eurasian
incursion."
--Keita, A, Boyce, A. (2005) Genetics,
Egypt, and History... History in Africa,
32, 221-246

--------------------------------------------------
------

“..the M1 presence in the Arabian
peninsula signals a predominant East
African influence since the Neolithic
onwards.“ -- Petraglia, M and Rose, J
(2010). The Evolution of Human
Populations in Arabia:

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 -

More data:

Body proportions are immensely
stable, and appear distinctly even in the
fetal stage of life. Body shape is also
more resistant to nutritional deficiency
and disease. Even in migrant populations
body proportions are conservative, and
not very plastic. Hence ancient Egyptian
proportions are long-standing,
conservative, stable elements that
characterize the ancient populations to a
much greater extent than more
changeable skin color or face shape.


QUOTE:

"Human body proportions also appear to
have a substantial genetic component.
Differences in body proportions between
Eskimos and non-Eskimos, for example,
appear early in ontogeny (Guilbeault &
Morazain, 1965; Y’Edynak, 1978). The
low sitting height/stature ratio of
Australian aborigines is present early in
development (Eveleth & Tanner, 1976).
Schultz (1923, 1926) found significant
differences between African–American
and Euroamerican fetuses in brachial and
crural indices, length of the legs relative
to the trunk, and relative pelvic width.
The fact that these ‘‘racial’’ features are
manifested early in fetal life indicates
strong genetic encoding of body and
limb proportions.

In addition, body shape in human
appears to be more resistant to
nutritional deficiency or disease than is
body size (Stini, 1975; Eveleth &
Tanner, 1976; Frisancho & Housh, 1988;
Martorell et al., 1988). Body proportions
of human migrants, for example, are
conservative; despite often exhibiting a
marked increase in stature, children of
migrants tend to retain the body
proportions of their ancestral homeland,
and do not develop the proportions of
their new neighbors (Ito, 1942; Lasker,
1946; Trotter & Gleser, 1952, 1958;
Greulich, 1957; Eveleth, 1966;
Froehlich, 1970; Benoist, 1971, 1975;
Hamill et al., 1973; Martorell et al.,
1988; Feldesman et al., 1990). Also,
while secular trends in body shape have
been documented, they do not negate the
value of body proportions as short-term
phylogenetic markers. For example, in a
long-term study of secular trends in body
shape in Japan (Tanner et al., 1982), the
authors note that nutritional differences
alone cannot explain all of the global
variability in body shape. Rather, they
note that much of the difference seen
today in body shape between broad
geographic groups is genetically-driven.

Migration within a larger time
framework took place ca. 15,000–18,000
BP, when the first Asian populations
crossed the Bering Strait, ultimately
founding the modern Amerindian
population. Despite having as much as
18,000 years of selection in
environments as diverse as those found
in the Old World, body mass and
proportion clines in the Americas are
less steep than those in the Old World
(Newman, 1953; Roberts, 1978). In fact,
as Hulse (1960) pointed out,
Amerindians, even in the tropics, tend to
possess some ‘‘arctic’’ adaptations. Thus
he concluded that it must take more than
15,000 years for modern humans to fully
adapt to a new environment (see also
Trinkaus, 1992). This suggests that body
proportions tend not to be very plastic
under natural conditions, and that
selective rates on body shape are such
that evolution in these features is
long-term."
--Holliday T. (1997). Body proportions
in Late Pleistocene Europe and modern
human origins. Jrnl Hum Evo. 32:
423-447

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zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova
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.
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zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova
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quote:
Originally posted by astenb:
Origin, Diffusion, and Differentiation of Y-Chromosome Haplogroups E
and J: Inferences on the Neolithization of Europe and Later Migratory Events in the Mediterranean Area



Y-chromosomal diversity in the population of Guinea-Bissau: a multiethnic perspective


Y-Chromosome Variation Among Sudanese: Restricted Gene Flow, Concordance With Language, Geography, and History

Y-chromosome diversity characterizes the Gulf of Oman


Tracing Past Human Male Movements in Northern/Eastern Africa and Western Eurasia: New Clues from Y-Chromosomal Haplogroups E-M78 and J-M12


Molecular Dissection of the Y Chromosome Haplogroup E-M78 (E3b1a): A Posteriori Evaluation of a Microsatellite-Network-Based Approach Through Six New Biallelic Markers


Ethiopians and Khoisan Share the Deepest Clades of the Human Y-Chromosome Phylogeny


Mitochondrial DNA Sequence Diversity in a Sedentary Population from Egypt



Y Haplogroups, Archaeological Cultures and Languages Families: a Review of the Possibility of Multidisciplinary Comparisons Using the Case of E-M35


Y-chromosomal evidence of the cultural diffusion of. agriculture in southeast Europe


History in the Interpretation of the Pattern of p49a,f TaqI RFLP Y-Chromosome Variation in Egypt: A Consideration of Multiple Lines of Evidence


GENETICS, EGYPT, AND HISTORY: INTERPRETING GEOGRAPHICAL PATTERNS OF Y CHROMOSOME VARIATION


Phylogeographic Analysis of Haplogroup E3b (E-M215) Y Chromosomes Reveals Multiple Migratory Events Within and Out Of Africa


Y-chromosomal evidence of a pastoralist migration through Tanzania to southern Africa

Some of these can come in handy.

[/QUOTE]
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Calabooz '
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^Good links

I'll re-post mine tomorrow

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zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova
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Dental studies
quote:

"Still, it appears that the process of state
formation involved a large indigenous component.
Outside influence and admixture with extraregional
groups primarily occurred in Lower Egypt—perhaps
during the later dynastic, but especially in
Ptolmaic and Roman times (also Irish, 2006). No
large-scale population replacement in the form of
a foreign dynastic ‘race’ (Petrie, 1939) was
indicated. Our results are generally consistent
with those of Zakrzewski (2007). Using
craniometric data in predynastic and early
dynastic Egyptian samples, she also concluded
that state formation was largely an indigenous
process with some migration into the region
evident. The sources of such migrants have not
been identified; inclusion of additional regional
and extraregional skeletal samples from various
periods would be required for this purpose."

--Further analysis of the population history of
ancient Egyptians. Schillaci MA, Irish JD, Wood
CC. 2009

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Tropical peoples replaced cold-climate types
in Europe


[QUOTE]:
"The transition in Europe from Neandertals to
“early anatomically modern” (Late Paleolithic)
humans 40,000 to 25,000 years ago and subsequent
changes in morphology within the latter group,
are especially interesting in that they may
provide evidence of adaptation following
migration to a new climatic zone if these
populations were derived from farther south, as
suggested by the preponderance of current
evidence (Klein 1999). The lack of change between
European Early and Late Paleolithic samples in
distal-to-proximal limb length proportions
(crural and brachial indices) was initially
puzzling in this regard because a reduction would
have been predicted if climatic adaptation were
taking place (Trinkaus 1981).

However, more recent work has shown that relative
to measures of trunk (vertebral column) height,
limb length did decrease significantly within
the Upper Paleolithic in Europe, beginning at
proportions similar to those of sub-Saharan
Africans and ending at proportions similar to
those of modern Europeans (Holliday 1997a).

Comparisons of long bone lengths to bi-iliac
breadths in available European Upper Paleolithic
specimens (nD15–19, about a third from the Early
Upper Paleolithic) also indicate significant
reductions in limb length to body breadth between
the Early and Late Upper Paleolithic (unpublished
results based on data given in Ruff et al.
1997, supplementary information). Thus, body
shape did change significantly in Upper
Paleolithic Europeans after exposure to colder
climatic conditions, although the change was
mosaic in nature, beginning with a general
reduction in limb lengths followed by a reduction
in distal-to-proximal limb element proportions."
[ENDQUOTE]:

-- Ruff. C. 2002. Variation in Human Body Size and Shape. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2002. 31:211-32.

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Incoming Neolithic to Europe included clear "sub-Saharan" African elements - Brace 2005

QUOTE:
"The assessment of prehistoric and recent human
craniofacial dimensions supports the picture
documented by genetics that the extension of
Neolithic agriculture from the Near East westward
to Europe and across North Africa was accomplished
by a process of demic diffusion (11–15). If
the Late Pleistocene Natufian sample from Israel
is the source from which that Neolithic spread
was derived, then there was clearly a Sub-Saharan
African element present of almost equal
importance as the Late Prehistoric Eurasian
element. At the same time, the failure of the
Neolithic and Bronze Age samples in central and
northern Europe to tie to the modern inhabitants
supports the suggestion that, while a farming
mode of subsistence was spread westward and also
north to Crimea and east to Mongolia by actual
movement of communities of farmers, the indigenous
foragers in each of those areas ultimately absorbed
both the agricultural subsistence strategy and
also the people who had brought it. The interbreeding
of the incoming Neolithic people with the in situ
foragers diluted the Sub-Saharan traces that may
have come with the Neolithic spread so that no
discoverable element of that remained. This
picture of a mixture between the incoming farmers
and the in situ foragers had originally been
supported by the archaeological record alone (6,
9, 33, 34, 48, 49), but this view is now reinforced
by the analysis of the skeletal morphology of the
people of those areas where prehistoric and
recent remains can be metrically compared."

-- Brace, et al. The questionable contribution of
the Neolithic and the Bronze Age to European
craniofacial form, Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A. 2006
January 3; 103(1): p. 242-247.)

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DIRECT QUOTE:

"Thutmose has a much more rounded cranium (than
Amenhotep), and prognathism of the maxilla and
mandible as well as of the dentition. His skull
is most similar to that of Nubians from the
ancient cemetaries of Gebel Adda examined by the
Michigan expedition. Measurable variables also
confirm similarities between Thutmose I and
Thutmose II ( Appendix Table A1)"


--Harris and Wente: An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies

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QUOTE:

"The period when sub-Saharan Africa was most
influential in Egypt was a time when neither
Egypt, as we understand it culturally, nor the
Sahara, as we understand it geographically,
existed. Populations and cultures now found south
of the desert roamed far to the north. The
culture of Upper Egypt, which became dynastic
Egyptian civilization, could fairly be called a
Sudanese transplant. Egypt rapidly found a method
of disciplining the river, the land, and the
people to transform the country into a titanic
garden. Egypt rapidly developed detailed cultural
forms that dwarfed its forebears in urbanity and
elaboration. Thus, when new details arrived, they
were rapidly adapted to the vast cultural
superstructure already present. On the other
hand, pharaonic culture was so bound to its place
near the Nile that its huge, interlocked religious,
administrative, and formal structures could not
be readily transferred to relatively mobile
cultures of the desert, savanna, and forest. The
influence of the mature pharaonic civilizations
of Egypt and Kush was almost confined to their
sophisticated trade goods and some significant
elements of technology. Nevertheless, the religious
substratum of Egypt and Kush was so similar to
that of many cultures in southern Sudan today
that it remains possible that fundamental elements
derived from the two high cultures to the north live on."

-- FROM: "(Egypt and Sub-Saharan Africa: Their
Interaction. Encyclopedia of Pre-colonial Africa,
by Joseph O. Vogel, AltaMira Press, (1997), pp.
465-472)

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^ LMAO [Big Grin] And how does that mummy above not look African??

Also...

"Thutmose has a much more rounded cranium (than
Amenhotep), and prognathism of the maxilla and
mandible as well as of the dentition. His skull
is most similar to that of Nubians from the
ancient cemetaries of Gebel Adda examined by the
Michigan expedition. Measurable variables also
confirm similarities between Thutmose I and
Thutmose II ( Appendix Table A1)"


--Harris and Wente: An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies

Are you saying these WHITE scientists are Afrocentrics too?! LOL [Big Grin]

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Another way of looking at the "North African" label..

 -

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Now I know why you're making all those graphs, its a good way to exorcise ones creativity. I suspect you might like the content of this paper.

 -

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^Good info. Have you compiled any research papers
yourself or published? What's the full citation
of the paper above? I may check it out. Are they
saying that based on enviro circumstances, the
nasal variation intensified? For the Kish
population, would it mean that they earlier
originated in a warmer clime? Thus ancient Iraqis
are distinct from the more modern populations?


-----------------------------------------------------------------
misc data from tishkoff..

 -

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Ancient Egyptians pioneered numerous technologies
and were not "static" and "unchanging", but show
a number of innovations.

For example, in addition to the wheel for pottery
from very early on, there were pulleys to hand
the carcasses of animals to be processed and
lathes (Ian Shaw 2003, Ancient Egyptian Materials
and technology). Wheeled vehicles from Egypt appear
in the record as early as the 13th Dynasty, not
as fancy Hyskos chariots but as wheeled sleds. QUOTE:

"Interestingly, earliest representation of
wheeled vehicle from Egypt (tomb of Sebeknekht at
El Kab, Dynasty XIII) shows sledge, mounted on
four disk wheels rather than rollers."


-- Wheeled vehicles and ridden animals in the
ancient Near East (1997), By M. A. Littauer, J.
H. Crouwel


-----------------------------------
Egyptians pioneered in the use of stone, a more difficult
material to work with, compared to the mud-brick of Mesopotamia.
The massive works of polished granite and limestone
show a skill and craftsmanship beyond anything from
contemporary Mesopotamia. And that is not even getting
into the mathematical, engineering and astronomical
knowledge that came with the package. Ramps in raising
huge monuments and buildings were a sophisticated
adaptation with at least 5 different types of ramps
in use to supplement log rollers, ropes and sledges.
As one historian notes:

"The Egyptians advanced beyond the Mesopotamians
in another area: vaulting. They used the tunnel or
barrel vault as their Near Eastern counterparts did,
but they added a new style called the corbel vault that
creates arches using stones that jut out to support
other stones. What this indicates is that Egyptians
builders were not determined in their architectural
structures by other civilisations or influences. another
example of this is the innovative cantilevered beams over
the King's Chamber in Giza pyramid. The pent roof distributes
weight and stress in a new way. In other words, Egypt
had skilful engineers who created new types of architectural
supporting systems."

--Y.C. Chiu, An introduction to the History of Project Management. 2010

---------------------------------------------------------------

 -

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^
 -
[Wink]

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-------------------------------------

"Much earlier forerunners are shown in tomb paintings of the late
Old Kingdom and the 11th Dynasty showing siege towers with
wheels; depictions of movable siege towers exist from the 6th
Dynasty onwards.) This indicates that the wheel was used in the
transport if heavy loads more frequently than assumed..
The use of wheeled equipment in building is not yet attested
to but may have been fairly common. The soft surface of the
desert sand and the mid of the cultivation may have been a
serious obstacle for heavy carriages but not so much for sledges."


--The encyclopaedia of ancient Egyptian architecture
By Dieter Arnold. 2002. p 195
--------------------------

"In all probability wheels would have been of little practical use,
for the building blocks used were far too large and too heavy to
be carried on a wooden-wheeled cart. The relative scarcity of
wood in ancient Egypt would have made the building of such
carts difficult and overcoming the practical and technical difficulties
of building carts to carry and move great weights would have probably
proved impossible.

Wheels would have been, in any event, a far from practical method
of transport on either agricultural land or the desert where they would
have become quickly bogged down in either mud or sand."


--R. Partridge. (1996) Transport in ancient Egypt. p76

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Let's not forget these two studies:

The period when sub-Saharan Africa was most influential in Egypt was a time when neither Egypt, as we understand it culturally, nor the Sahara, as we understand it geographically, existed. Populations and cultures now found south of the desert roamed far to the north. The culture of Upper Egypt, which became dynastic Egyptian civilization, could fairly be called a Sudanese transplant. Egypt rapidly found a method of disciplining the river, the land, and the people to transform the country into a titanic garden. Egypt rapidly developed detailed cultural forms that dwarfed its forebears in urbanity and elaboration. Thus, when new details arrived, they were rapidly adapted to the vast cultural superstructure already present. On the other hand, pharaonic culture was so bound to its place near the Nile that its huge, interlocked religious, administrative, and formal structures could not be readily transferred to relatively mobile cultures of the desert, savanna, and forest. The influence of the mature pharaonic civilizations of Egypt and Kush was almost confined to their sophisticated trade goods and some significant elements of technology. Nevertheless, the religious substratum of Egypt and Kush was so similar to that of many cultures in southern Sudan today that it remains possible that fundamental elements derived from the two high cultures to the north live on.--Joseph O. Vogel (1997)

It is possible from this overview of the data to conclude that the limited conceptual vocabulary shared by the ancestors of contemporary Chadic-speakers (therefore also contemporary Cushitic-speakers), contemporary Nilotic-speakers and Ancient Egyptian-speakers suggests that the earliest speakers of the Egyptian language could be located to the south of Upper Egypt (Diakonoff 1998) or, earlier, in the Sahara (Wendorf 2004), where Takács (1999, 47) suggests their ‘long co-existence’ can be found. In addition, it is consistent with this view to suggest that the northern border of their homeland was further than the Wadi Howar proposed by Blench (1999, 2001), which is actually its southern border. Neither Chadics nor Cushitics existed at this time, but their ancestors lived in a homeland further north than the peripheral countries that they inhabited thereafter, to the south-west, in a Niger-Congo environment, and to the south-east, in a Nilo-Saharan environment, where they interacted and innovated in terms of language. From this perspective, the Upper Egyptian cultures were an ancient North East African ‘periphery at the crossroads’, as suggested by Dahl and Hjort-af-Ornas of the Beja (Dahl and Hjort-af-Ornas 2006). The most likely scenario could be this: some of these Saharo-Nubian populations spread southwards to Wadi Howar, Ennedi and Darfur; some stayed in the actual oases where they joined the inhabitants; and others moved towards the Nile, directed by two geographic obstacles, the western Great Sand Sea and the southern Rock Belt. Their slow perambulations led them from the area of Sprinkle Mountain (Gebel Uweinat) to the east – Bir Sahara, Nabta Playa, Gebel Ramlah, and Nekhen/Hierakonpolis (Upper Egypt), and to the north-east by way of Dakhla Oasis to Abydos (Middle Egypt).--Anselin (2009)

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^^Word up.

---------------------------------------------------------------


Rigged samples and stacked decks in research on “North Africa”

Fadhlaoui-Zid et’s “North African” study
(Mitochondrial DNA Structure in North Africa
Reveals a Genetic Discontinuity in the Nile
Valley) draws bulk of samples from the Arabized
coast near the Mediterranean, excluding most of
the Sudan, except for a token sample near the
Egyptian border, and excludes Mali, Chad and
Niger, even though these areas are classified as
“North African” in several physical geography
textbooks (Haggett, 2001). Egyptian samples
themselves are weighted towards the north. Krings
1999 for example loads northern samples at 63% of
the total. The overall weighing of samples is
thus biased towards Mediterranean and Arab links.

 -

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More sampling bias in North African research:

 -

QUOTE:
"The North African patchy mtDNA landscape has
no parallel in other regions of the world and
increasing the number of sampled populations has
not been accompanied by any substantial increase
in our understanding of its phylogeography. Available
data up to now rely on sampling small, scattered
populations.. It is therefore doubtful that this
picture truly represents the complex historical
demography of the region rather than being just
the result of the type of samplings performed so far."

--Cherni (2005) Female gene pools of Berber and
Arab neighboring.. Hum Biol. 2005 77(1):61-70.

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African food production and agriculture practices cause polygamy, with corresponding results in Black American family structure, claim assorted biodiversity proponents. "Tropical agriculture" needed all these extra hands, and women provided most of the agricultural labor force, polygamy took hold in African culture, and is thus reflected in Black American culture with its high OOW rates today.

Assorted evidence put forward includes:

A--- The anthropologists Jack Goody and Ester Boserup on how continental differences in raising food affected family structure. Boserup noted in 1970:

"Africa is the region of female farming par excellence. In many African tribes, nearly all the tasks connected with food production continue to be left to women."

B--- and evidence by James Q. Wilson:{quote):
quote:


"In Europe, where animal-drawn plows were used to farm rich land, intensive agriculture made monogamy important… In these places, men did much of the agricultural work …

In much of Africa, by contrast, farming was done by handheld hoes used to work small plots of land that were often rather infertile. Women were widely used to do the hoeing and carry in the produce.

Many husbands found that they could use extra wives to wield even more hoes, and so marrying several women made sense economically… the conditions they describe may have had important consequences for the kinds of families that had to endure the travails of slavery in the Western Hemisphere."

 -
____________________________________________________________________________________


Claims of "important consequences" for black
Americans however are weak on several counts, as
are claims for the absence of monogamy in Africa:


1- Heavy female participation in African agriculture
on tough soils is documented, but is this the PRIMARY
cause for polygamy? Many scholars point to other factors
such as the high child mortality rate, and whether there
was a surplus of females in the populations. Others add
more reasons.


Books such as Demography: Analysis
and Synthesis, (2005, Caselli et al,) see
the chief causes of polygamy as sexual
adn reproductive related rather than
production/economic oriented. Polygamy
they hold allows a man to maximize his
offspring, or engage in sexual activity
forbidden by certain cultures when a
wife is pregnant or nursing a child.

They also note strong political considerations
as reasons for polygamy- such as local
elites consolidating power and exhibiting
prestige over the less powerful.
Polygamy also serves to cement alliances
between tribes, clans and bloodlines.

In short, while extra female labor to farm may
play a part, the main causes of polygamy in Africa may have
comparatively little to do with "tropical farming
practices."

-------------------------------------------------------------------


2-- Furthermore women in both cold-climate
Europe and Asia have long had heavy and burdensome
involvement in agriculture, contradicting attempts
to portray African women as some sort of unique
beasts of burden.


European women have long had heavy
involvement in European agriculture for
centuries, including milking animals, spinning
wool, brewing ale, or turning out en
masse for the harvests. One study of
1400 England for example found them
doing heavy labor, including weeding,
mowing, carrying grain, breaking stone
for road repair, and driving plough oxen.
(M. Mate, Women in medieval English
society). Likewise in Asia, Chinese or Korean
women were valued and exploited for
their ability to engage in the
back-breaking work of rice cultivation
which required stoop labor to tend crops
by hand, even though the plow was in
wide use. It all depends what time
periods are looked at. In European or
Asiatic grain agriculture seasonal cycles
such as planting and harvest time saw
plenty of female labor deployed. The
growth of mechanization in other eras
was to also have its effects.

Data from China, even in the modern era AFTER decades
of progressive communist rule, still shows women as heavy
agricultural beasts of burden, when men monopolizing
less demanding agricultural operations.


quote:


"where machinery was used it was monopolised by men, and that this frequently made nonsense of the supposed distinction between 'heavy' men's work and 'light' women's work. For example, in one instance, Wolf's assistant came across three people working the fields. One was a man whose task it was to turn the switch to a water pump on and off. As a technician, he earned 10.5 work-points a day. The other two were women in their thirties 'wh were rushing back and forth ditching and damming to keep the water moving evenly through the fields. although the evening was cool, they were sweating with the effort it took to move the heavy waterlogged earth onto the banks of the ditches. They were unskilled workers and earned 6.5 workpoints for their day's labor'. Other reports suggest that through the 1980s and 1990s, in villages in which agricukture continued to be collectively managed, divisions of labour and inequalities in remuneration, such as those cited by Wolf, persisted.. Observing the situation at the chicken farm, however, the researcher felt that the women's work was far from beibg lighter than the men's. Men were responsible for carrying bags of feed on their shoulders, and for using a crushing machine to break up the feed. Meanwhile, it was the women's task to mix the feed and give it to the chickens and collect the eggs. Each day each woman had to collect 1,680 eggs, a task which the researcher estimated woud involve them bending down some 280 times a day."

--Women's work in rural China: change and continuity in an era of reform. Tamara Jacka. 1997

In short, African women have never been the
unique continental beasts of burden
some make them out to be.
-------------------------------------------------------------


3- The claim of "carryover" to Black
Americans is dubious. IN fact Black Americans
in some eras, have posted BETTER monogamy rates
than US Whites, and LOWER rates of illegitimacy
than supposed pace-setting Nordic European
whites in both the 19th and 20th centuries.


If these "tropical" practices were the cause of
US Black family instability, why did black folk for
over 50 years after slavery post relatively
low out-of-wedlock rates, and post
higher marriage rates than whites?

For a period of 50 years, from 1890 to 1940,
every US census showed that blacks had higher
marriage rates and lower divorce rates
than whites. As late as 1960 black
illegitimacy stood at only 19%, LOWER
than that of today's whites, and LOWER
than that of urbanized northern European
whites during the 19th century- like the
white Irish (posting sometimes a 50%
illegitimacy rate in certain US cities, or
white Vienna (46%), or white Stockholm
(49%). In ultra-white Sweden at the start
of the 20th century barely half of
Swedish women married and around
one-sixth of children were born out of
wedlock. (Burns and Scott 1994)
--Ailsa Burns, Cath Scott. 1994.
Mother-headed families and why they
have increased. Routledge. P. 61-84

Fast forwarding to the 20th century, white Northern
European patterns are unimpressive. By the year
2000, out of wedlock births had reached 53%
of all births- a steep rise from a mere
10% illegitimacy rate in mid century. (A
population history of the United States
By Herbert S. Klein, Cambridge
University Press. 2004. p. 216) Nor are
supposedly more virtuous white people
of other "Nordic" nations any better. In
the early 1980s illegitimacy rates were
on the order of 45% in Iceland and
Sweden and 40% in Denmark. (Report
on Immigrant populations and
demographic development in the
member states of the Council of Europe.
Rinus Penninx, Council of Europe.
1984.) White Australia in the 1980s
weighed in at (35%), twice as high as
US black rates as late as 1965.

In short, when the historical data is examined,
supposedly "more polygamous" blacks posted a
better showing than whites on several counts.


-------------------------------------------------------------


4-- Assorted claims re "tropical patterns"
fail to explain how non tropical Arabs, Jews
and other "Middle Easterners practiced polygamy
for millennia and how some still practice it
today, and fail to explain how these peoples
who strictly subordinated their women from
exposure re agricultural work (such as the
Muslim "purdah" practices) STILL engaged in widespread
polygamy.

If the heavy involvement of women
in farm work is the cause, why do the
Semitic Arabs, who try to keep their
women in strict subordination, and who
are not out in the fields like the African
women, have widespread polygamy, even today in the 21st century?
This should not be the case under assorted
biodiversity "evolutionary" claims.
-------------------------------------------------------------


5- Europe itself has hardly been a shining
example of monogamy in action historically. Numerous
European peoples practiced polygamy, or its close
equivalent, practices suppressed by a religion
itself derived from Semitic peoples who practiced
polygamy. And ironically, under the new religion,
Europeans themselves continued to practice polygamy.



In is known for example that the
Emperor Justinian had to legilate against
polygamy in his domains in 600AD, an
action that should have been hardly
necessary in supposed areas of
Caucasoid monogamous bliss. And
polygamous practices in all but name
was for example is well documented in
white Europe. Among the Celtic peoples
for example: quote:

"In Ireland .. there were various forms
of marriage. Ten classes were recognized
in the law tract in marriage, of which
only nine are explained. The first three
are regular marriages.. The others are
temporary unions. Comparing a
thirteenth-century Welsh list to its
eighth-century Irish counterpart, T.M.
Charles-Edwards remarks that the
"existence of the Welsh list suggests that
in many respects the Welsh law of
women resembled the Irish until the
gradual progress of Christian ideas on
marriage caused a fundamental
transformation" However,
Charles-Edwards continues, "even in the
thirteenth century, this transformation
was still very incomplete.."

"Marriage and divorce, especially within
the several recognized temporary unions,
were relatively simple matters, and
divorce did not automatically reflect
badly on either party.. And this ""ease
with which marital union was concluded
and the almost equal ease with which it
was dissolved," continues RR Davies,
goes a long way in explaining the
"apparently cavalier attitude toward
so-called illegitimate offspring." To
complicate matters still further, there is
substantial evidence to suggest that
concubinage was legally recognized and
that there may well have been
arrangements which we would now term
polygamy and polyandry."

--C.W. Sullivan. 1996. The Mabinogi: a
book of essays (Garland Medieval
Casebooks) .

and

Polygamy was legal among the Celts,
with multiple wives recognized. Brehon
[Irish law- pre-English conquest 17th
Century) law for example -quote-
"stipulated that any injury sustained by
a second wife in the first day of coming
into the household of an established first
wife was not a convictable offence."


and

"There were ten classifications of
Celtic marriage, each a specific form of
contract, including one that was marriage
for "a year and a day."

--Walking the maze: the enduring
presence of Celtic spirit By Loren
Cruden. 1998


----------------------------------------------------------------

6-- Africa has always had monogamy, long
before the arrival of Europeans, and polygamy has
been a clear part of European and Asian culture until
very recent times. In the middle East, it is alive and
well among Semitic peoples.



Polygamy was more common
in Africa than in Europe, but monogamy
also has a long history in Africa even
before blacks were forcible transported
to the US, and before any significant
influence from Europe. Of the 31
captives of the famous Amistad slave
ship for example, 15 were married, and
only 1 was polygamous, and monogamy
is common in various parts of Africa.
See <i>Slavery in North Carolina,
1748-1775. by Marvin L. Michael Kay,
Lorin Lee Cary- pg 160.</i>

Asia has had polygamy for a long time
parallel with monogamy, along with
things like multiple concubinage,
practiced in China. And it was not until
1945 that polygamy was finally
abolished in Japan. And people like Jews
practiced polygamy for centuries as
documented in the Bible and
anthropological studies, and for Arabs
and those who follow Islam, polygamy is
permissible even today.

Indeed while monogamy has been more
prevalent in Europe, polygamy has
always been a part of European culture
until very recent times. Indeed, one of
the things Christianity did for Europe
was to stamp out and discourage
polygamy. Ironically, there is a long
tradition of polygamy in white
Christianity (see <i>After polygamy was
made a sin: the social history of
Christian polygamy- By John
Cairncross</i>), and polygamy is
documented as common in white Russia
in various eras. Ironically Christianity
itself, based on the religion of a Semitic
people from the sub-tropical Middle
East, not cold climate areas, was adopted
in white Europe, providing the "rules of
morality" that helped suppress polygamy
(among other things) by Europeans in
many regions as Cairncross notes.


-----------------------------------------------------------------

 -

7-- Several examples show the continuing
influence of polygamy in European culture. One of
the most powerful European religions,
that of Mormonism, not only practiced polygamy until
comparatively recent times, but in its heavenly paradise,
polygamy will be practices and recognized. Ironically even
Nordic Aryan leader Adolf Hitler at times also had a
favorable opinion of polygamy.


Mormon leader Joseph Smith had numerous wives, one only 14
years old, and referred to "spiritual wifery" that would be
"sealed" throughout eternity. Polygamyis part and parcel of
the Mormon paradise.

quote:
:
"After death, while their husbands are creating and ruling
over planets, the women have the questionable honor of bearing
his "spirit children" for eternity. These spirit children
descend to their father's planet to inhabit bodies as mortals,
who are then ruled over by him. Mormon Doctrine states that
these celestially married men and women will live eternally
in the family unit and have spirit children, theus becoming
Eternal fathers and Eternal Mothers." A man who has multiple
wives can beget many more spirit children, making him much
more powerful. Mormon men must beget as many children with
as many wives as possible, for "their glory (in heaven) is
in proportion to the number of their wives and children" (Snowden 11)."

--D. Kirkland. 2008. Mormons and Muslims: A Case of Matching Fingerprints

Other references:
Charles W. Penrose, "Mormon" Doctrine Plain and Simple,
or Leaves from the Tree of Life, 1897, Salt Lake City, p.66
("In the case of a man marrying a wife in the everlasting covenant
who dies while he continues in the flesh and marries another by the
same divine law, each wife will come forth in her order and enter
with him into his glory.");

Joseph Fielding Smith, Bruce R. McConkie, ed., Doctrines of
Salvation, 1956, vol. 2, p. 67
(Smith, who was sealed to two different women, stated,
"[M]y wives will be mine in the eternity.");

Harold B. Lee, Deseret News 1974 Church Almanac, p. 17
("My lovely Joan was sent to me: So Joan joins Fern/That
three might be, more fitted for eternity./'O Heavenly
Father, my thanks to thee'.").



 -

And a mere 70 or so years ago, "Aryan" Nazi German
itself was encouraging polygamy.
QUOTE:

"Although monogamy was the official
marriage from of Nazi Germany, the
society in effect, turned toward
polygamy because Aryan males were
encouraged to beget Aryan children with
as many racially qualified women as
possible- in and out of wedlock."

--Young-Bruehl (2002) The anatomy
of prejudices).


According to The Fuherer in his own words"

"Let's remember that after the Thirty
Years War polygamy was tolerated, so
that it was thanks to the illegitimate
child that the nations recovered its
strength."



And lamenting those Rhine maidens that have
never known man, the Fuherer further argues:

"As long as we have in Germany two and a half
million women vowed to celibacy, we shall be
forbidden to despise the child born out of wedlock."

--L. Pine, 1999, Nazi family Policy


Curiously, according to one book, a number of white Mormons
following their practice of prayers for dead and
eternal marriage have interceded for Hitler and
Eva Braun:
--quote--

"Adding insult to injury, zealous Mormons
also stood proxy for Adolf Hitler's and Eva
Braun's baptisms and eternal marriage. If the
prospect of meeting Hitler as a god in eternity
rankles the sensitivities of most non-Mormons,
imagine the impact of such an idea on a Jew."

( --LaTayne Scott. 2010. The Mormon Mirage: A
Former Member Looks at the Mormon Church Today)

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Monogamy quite common in Africa, and among arriving
black slaves in the United States


DATA:

QUOTE:
"For slaves however, monogamous marriages
represented something more than succumbing
to the demands of demography, plantation
discipline and the values of masters. To understand
this requires a closer look at African marriage patterns.
Once again, the testimony of the Amistad slaves in valuable. .
Sixteen or the thirty-six interviewed Amistad mutineers
were married, and of these only one, Fabanna, a middle-aged
Mende slave, was polygamous... Testimony concerning martial
practices in eighteenth-century Sierra Leone corroborates
the Amistad evidence.

An English trader in 1788 reported that
"tho polygamy is allowed in ye Country it
is practiced only by the rich." Such data
stress a point long obvious to
anthropologists; wherever polygamy has
been or is the "preferred" marital form,
monogamy is acceptable and probably
common because of limits imposed by
demographic and economic factors.
Slaves coming from Africa, then, had
experiences encompassing both
polygamy and monogamy and thus need
not have relied on their master' example
to institute monogamy, Indeed, most
male slave imports, normally young
adults who had not had time to
accumulate much wealth, had practiced
only monogamy in Africa prior to
capture. When confronted by the
severely limiting demographic and social
conditions in America, they tended to
replicate their monogamous but not their
polygamous tribal experiences. Owners
in the southern mainland simply
reinforced this tendency.

Albermarle Sound slaveowners, Brickell
observed, became involved in the martial
arrangements of their slaves only to give
permission for such unions or when no
children had been born within a year. In
the latter case planters might "oblige"
slave women "to take a second, third,
fourth, fifth, or more Husbands or Bed
Fellows; a fruitful Woman amongst
them being very much valued by the
Planters, and a numerous Issue esteemed
the greatest Riches in this Country."

{{ENDQUOTE}}
--Marvin L. Michael Kay, Lorin Lee
Cary. (1999) Slavery in North Carolina,
1748-1775. 160-161

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Nazlet Khater man, one of the earliest modern human specimens
found in Egypt, clusters with nearby tropical Africans.


QUOTE:

Thoma concludes that the Nazlet Khater specimen is:

(a) indisputably anatomically modern with certain
archaic characteristics; (b) related to the
Nubian Epipaleolithic skeletal series from Wadi
Halfa and Jebel Sahaba; and (c) displays Negroid
characteristics such as alveolar prognathism and
sub-nasal fossa."

"The results obtained from the multivariate analyses performed
in this study suggest: .. a sub-Saharan origin for the Nazlet-Khater
population type..

The specimen is clearly not associated with any other North African
or Levantine finds.. "


--P. Vermeersch 2002. Paleolithic quarrying sites

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race and DNA data
1-
 -


2
 -

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 -

Tropical climates are extremely
diverse – from humid rainforest, to
higher altitude cold zones, to arid deserts
with sharply dropping night
temperatures. Scientists find that nose
width is correlated with climate – with
narrower noses seen in dry, conditions
such as desert areas in eastern parts of
Africa.


QUOTE: "Tropical climates range from
oppressively hot and humid lowlands to
cold, snow-covered mountains, from hot,
dry deserts to cold, dry deserts, from
extreme seasonal variability of
precipitation to nearly constant
year-round conditions."
--Huston. M. (1994) Biological diversity:
the coexistence of species on changing
landscapes Cambridge university Press.
p 498

QUOTE: "An important function of the
nose is to warm and moisten inspired air.
When air is exhaled, some heat and
moisture are lost to the surroundings.
The longer the nasal passage, the more
efficient the nose is for warming and
moistening incoming air and also the
less heat and moisture are lost on
exhalation. A narrow, high nose gives a
longer nasal passage than a low, broad
nose. Therefore, in cold or dry
conditions, a high, narrow nose is
preferable for warming and moistening
air before it reaches the lings, and for
reducing loss of heat and moisture in
expired air. In hot, humid conditions a
low, broad nose serves to dissipate heat
(Wolpoff 1968; Franciscis and Long
1991)... The pattern of variation in nasal
index corresponds very broadly to that
expected if nasal form is indeed an
adaptation to regional climate. The
highest nasal index values, representing
broad, low noses, tend to be those of
populations in humid tropical regions of
Africa and south-east Asia. Populations
with low mean nasal indices (high,
narrow noses) tend to be found in the
cold, northern latitudes, and also in arid
regions, such as the desert areas of east
Africa and the Arabian peninsula.

..Davies found the nasal index taken in
the living was closely correlated with
skeletal nasal index. This suggests that
there should likewise be an association
between skeletal nasal index and
climatic zone, and indeed other workers
have found this to be the case.“
-- Mays. S. (2010). The Archaeology of
Human Bones. Pg 100-101


2011 study finds significant
correlation between nasal shape and
climate. Dry areas are common in
tropical zone micro-climates such as
deserts.


QUOTE: “"The nasal cavity is essential
for humidifying and warming the air
before it reaches the sensitive lungs.
Because humans inhabit environments
that can be seen as extreme from the
perspective of respiratory function, nasal
cavity shape is expected to show
climatic adaptation.. We report
significant correlations between nasal
cavity shape and climatic variables of
both temperature and humidity.
Variation in nasal cavity shape is
correlated with a cline from cold-dry
climates to hot-humid climates, with a
separate temperature and vapor pressure
effect. "
-- Noback, M. et al. (2011)
Climate-related variation of the human
nasal cavity. AJPA, 145: 4. 599-614


Broad noses can be functional in cold areas under
certain circumstances as Neanderthals show


QUOTE:
"..Neanderthals and and their predecessors
survived for tens of thousands of years in the
variable climates of Europe, in which fully
glacials only took up a small part of the time,
and predominantly in southerly latitudes.."


Others maintain that a broad nose could help
with not merely cold but ARID conditions as well,
so cold is not the only factor. A large protruding
nose could warm air entering the lungs, or -
quote: "others have suggested that the
Neanderthal nose may have been a means of losing heat
generated by a very active lifestyle.."


Others "concluded that it must have been adapted
to the peripheries of hot, humid regions, perhaps
even subtropical to moderate biotopes."


See: (--Neanderthals and modern humans:
an ecological and evolutionary perspectiveBy Clive Finlayson, 2004).

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Egyptian writing distinctly African development
per conservative Egyptologist Frank Yurco

{QUOTE}

"Vestigial traces of the dynastic race theory still
linger in the writings of some scholars, who hint at a
"Mesopotamian stimulus" to Egyptian culture
through writing or other cultural aspects. But it has
now been definitely shown that Mesopotamian
writing arose from clay tokens used in early invoices
for livestock transshipments (Schmandt-Besserat
1992, 1-13, 93-1298, 120-65, 184-99). Later, indeed
scribes in Mesopotamia predominated in the temple
and palace economies; but kings and royalty were
rarely literate. In Egypt, by contrast, writing arose
from the deisre of early chieftains and kings to
commemorate their deeds and accomplishments
(Arnett 1982; Hassan 1983, 1, 7-8; Williams and
Logan 1987, 245-85). Its roots lay in the painted
buffware of Naqada II, whose totemic emblems for
divinities show forms recognizable in later
hieroglyphic script (hoffman 1991, 31, fig. 7; Arnett
1982).

Thus Egyptian and Mesopotamian writing systems
have totally disparate origins. In later Egyptian
Dynastic times literacy extended from the top of
society downward. Egyptian kings and royalty had to
be literacy- in sharp contrast to those in Mesopotamia
- and the bureaucracy that arose around the early
Dynastic rulers encouraged in spread of writing, as
did the religious needs of lower-ranked Egyptians
(Baines 1983; Ray 1986). A scribal class evolved
from the Archaic Period to the Old Kingdom,
basically as account keepers for the elite and as
bureaucrats for the government's taxing and
documentary functions. During all periods the means
of social advancement to the elite was through
literacy (Baines 1983).

The ancient Egyptian writing system was therefore a
distinctly African development, and the evidence for
this does indeed contradict some of the diffusionist
reasoning that grew out of the Aryan Model, as well
as the prominent position ascribed to Mesopotamian
influence."

{ENDQUOTE}

-- Yurco, F "An Egyptological Review" IN Mary R.
Lefkowitz and Guy MacLean Rogers, Black Athena
Revisited, 1996, Univ of North Carolina Press, p.
62-100

Lefkowitz and Maclean 1996. Black Athena Revisited yurco egyptological review
 -

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quote:
Originally posted by zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova:

African food production and agriculture practices cause polygamy, with corresponding results in Black American family structure, claim assorted biodiversity proponents. "Tropical agriculture" needed all these extra hands, and women provided most of the agricultural labor force, polygamy took hold in African culture, and is thus reflected in Black American culture with its high OOW rates today.

Which author made this ridiculous claim and associated study?? It's true that some cultures in Africa that are based on plantation style farming implemented polygamy to have more hands to work these farms, but what the hell does any of this have to do with the trend of out of wedlock births in the African American community today with its negative effects, especially considering that just several generations ago such a trend was extremely low?!

This sounds like more leftist crap that seeks to destroy minority families, especially black families. For example during the 60s many leftist feminists tried to use the African traditions of matriarchy in their distorted view to suggest black women didn't need men to raise families and look what happened!

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quote:
Originally posted by Djehuti:
[QUOTE]Which author made this ridiculous claim and associated study?? It's true that some cultures in Africa that are based on plantation style farming implemented polygamy to have more hands to work these farms, but what the hell does any of this have to do with the trend of out of wedlock births in the African American community today with its negative effects, especially considering that just several generations ago such a trend was extremely low?!

This sounds like more leftist crap that seeks to destroy minority families, especially black families. For example during the 60s many leftist feminists tried to use the African traditions of matriarchy in their distorted view to suggest black women didn't need men to raise families and look what happened!

^^Its not only leftists, but "biodiversity" types like
Steve Sailer and racists like Jared Taylor. But when
their claims are examined, they simply don't hold
up, nor is their notion of alleged white European virtue.

---------------------------------------------------

And the record of white European "role
models" is far from impressive as regards
child care. Indeed ruthless abandonment of
children was a practice common in white
medieval Europe, but it is often not talked
about by "Caucasoid" historians.


Scholarly works such as Milner 2000
(Milner, Larry S. (2000). Hardness of Heart
/ Hardness of Life: The Stain of Human
Infanticide') and many others give many of
the gory details of the activities of these
allegedly virtuous white "role models."
Asian societies like China for example
historically carried out massive amounts of
sex selective infanticide. In "Caucasoid"
India, female infanticide of newborn girls
was systematic in many areas, including
tossing children into the Ganges River as a
sacrificial offering. Among supposedly
more moral and virtuous Caucasoid
Europeans, killing of children was
common.

In ancient Sardinia, three thousand bones of
young children, with evidence of sacrificial
rituals, have been found there. Among
supposedly more virtuous Caucasoid stocks
in Southwest Asia or the "Middle East",
child sacrifices to their goddess Ishtar was
routine, and among some Caucasoid tribes
of what is now Greece, every 10th child
was killed as sacrifice in difficult economic
times. In Caucasoid Carthage, child
sacrifice according to Milner, "reached its
infamous zenith," with infants and young
children burned in fire or roasted alive in
hot bronze. One archeological excavations
yielded 20,000 charred remains of young
children (packed in urns). The Bible
mentions such sacrifice among the
Caucasoid Phoenicians at a site called
Topeth. (Brown, Shelby (1991). Late
Carthaginian Child Sacrifice and Sacrificial
Monuments in their Mediterranean
Context.)

In Caucasoid Greece, the exposure of
unwanted newborns was not uncommon,
especially among the noble Spartans. In
Caucasoid Rome, infanticide was common,
despite laws on the books. Indeed Philo the
Philosopher speaks out against it, noting the
casual nature with which it was carried out
by the Romans. Offenders were rarely
prosecuted under Roman law, and said law
allowed killing of Caucasoid newborns if
they were visibly deformed. (Naphtali,
Lewis, ed (1985). "Papyrus Oxyrhynchus
744". Life in Egypt Under Roman Rule).
Indeed Rome was founded by near victims
of infanticide- the legendary Romulus and
Remus.

Among the ancient Caucasoid Germanic
tribes, the practice was not unknown, and
unwanted children were liquidated in the
forests. Archeological data shows the burnt
bones of children, disposed of as child
sacrifice in ancient Britain. (Boswell, John
(1988). The Kindness of Strangers. NY:
Vintage Books).

In Caucasoid Europe of the Middle Ages,
one scholar (Langer 2000) notes that
infanticide "was practiced on gigantic scale
with absolute impunity, noticed by writers
with most frigid indifference". At the end of
the 12th century, notes Richard Trexler,
Roman women threw their newborns into
the Tiber river in daylight. (Langer, William
L. (1974). "Infanticide: a historical survey".
History of Childhood Quarterly 1 (3):
353–366. -- Trexler, Richard (1973).
"Infanticide in Florence: new sources and
first results". History of Childhood
quarterly 1: 99.)

In Caucasoid Russia child sacrifice was
offered to the pagan god Perun, who was
worshipped as the god of lightning and
thunder, and in Kamchatka, children were
tossed to dogs to be eaten alive. (Russia in
the era of NEP: explorations in Soviet
society and culture - Page 201. 1991. Sheila
Fitzpatrick, Alexander Rabinowitch,
Richard Stites)
-------------------------------------------

By contrast with the supposedly more
virtuous and moral Caucasoids and Asiatics
above, Africa has the lowest incidence of
infanticide historically.
As scholar
Milner notes: QUOTE:

"Africa has been reported to have a
lower incidence of infanticide than all of
the other continents."

--Milner, L.S. (2000). Hardness of Heart /
Hardness of Life: the stain of infanticide.
University Press. p. 160

----------------------------------

even in ancient Egypt, the indigenous
African valued chilren’s lives more than
European or Middle Eastern “role
models”


Infanticide did occur in Africa but to a
much saller, much less extent that allegedly
more virtuous cold Caucasoid or Asiatic
“role models.” Ancient Egypt, which was
fundamentally populated by peoples with
tropical limb proportions from south of the
Sahara, is no exception (Zakrewski 2007,
Keita 1992, 2005, 2008, Raxter and Ruff
2008 et al). In Egyptian households, at all
social levels, children of both sexes were
valued and there is no evidence of
infanticide.[14] The religion of the Ancient
Egyptians forbade infanticide and during
the Greco-Roman period they rescued
abandoned babies from manure heaps, a
common method of infanticide by Greeks
or Romans, and were allowed to either
adopt them as foundlings or raise them as
slaves, often giving them names such as
"copro -" to memorialise their rescue.[15]
Strabo considered it a peculiarity of the
Egyptians that every child must be
reared.[16] Diodorus indicates infanticide
was a punishable offence by the
Egyptians.[17]

Yet other scholars note very high
mortality rates even when abandoned
children were taken in my monastery or
church- with dismal conditions
quote

"when infants left at the doors of the
hospital 'in a poor and piteous state.. in
great danger of being devoured by pigs and
other beasts.. [and dying] for want of
human milk.' Infants shared rooms with the
sick and as many a s a dozen children
sometimes slept in one bed. The children
usually died within eight to fifteen days."

--Abandoned children: foundlings and child
welfare in nineteenth-century France. By
Rachel Ginnis Fuchs

Nor is this pattern of child abuse
confined to medieval Europe. It appears
among white populations in urban
America.
In the 1800s there were tens of
thousands of abandoned white children
sleeping on open streets in places like New
York or Boston (sowell 1981).

The same pattern continued down to the
present day- with white women leading all
others in rates of abortion.
Two out of
three babies in white Russia for example
are aborted by supposedly more caring
white "role models." (Loveless and Holman
2006).
--------------------

And European fatherhood was hardly the
more "caring" or "involved" picture
"biodiversity" types would have us believe.
In fact they were rather distant from their
children:
quote-

"Medieval fatherhood however, did not
mean participating continuously in the
upbringing of a child. Mothers and servants
commonly took the lead role in childrearing.
.. But father/son companionship bonding is
not a prominent theme in literary sources.
Fathers may be proud of their sons, but they
do not play a major role in their formation.
It was a fact of patrilineal reproduction,
rather than the relationship with a son, that
contributed to medieval manhood."

-- From boys to men: formations of
masculinity in late medieval Europe
By Ruth Mazo Karras

^Hardly the picture of sterling white role
model fathers "bonding" with their children,
or involved in their lives..

In short, when “biodiversity” claims of
supposed white virtue are put to the test,
said claims reveal whites to be dubious
exemplars of moral worth or virtue. In fact,
the historical record often indicates the
opposite.

WHen they try to apply supposed “African”
patterns to explain various socio-economic
conditions among US blacks their claims
are also dubious. Between 1890 and 1950
for example, every census shows US blacks
posting higher marriage rates and lower
divorce rates than US whites (Sowell 2005),
an “impossible” outcome if alleged
“African polygamy patterns” were
supposedly so dominant.

If these "African" practices were the cause
of US Black family instability, why did
black folk for over 50 years after slavery
post relatively low out-of-wedlock rates,
and post higher marriage rates than whites?
In very US census between 1890 and 1940
for example blacks posted higher
marriage rates than whites. The black
OOW rate as late as 1960 weighed in at
19%, less than that of today ' s US whites,
and much less than the OOW rates for
supposedly more virtuous Nordics in
various areas of the 19th century (white
Vienna -46%, or white Stockholm -49%
for example), or contemporary Nordics
(45% Iceland and Sweden or 40%
Dennmark in the 1980s), and much
lower than the 50% OOW rates posted in
heavily white Irish areas in the 19th
century.

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^ LOL Reminds me of how Greek travelers were shocked to see Egyptian parents keep and raise children born with deformities or disabilities. So unlike the eugenic tradition in Greece where such children were left abandoned to die of exposure since the Greeks valued "perfection" among their children than the actual life.
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^ LOL Reminds me of how Greek travelers were shocked to see Egyptian parents keep and raise children born with deformities or disabilities. So unlike the eugenic tradition in Greece where such children were left abandoned to die of exposure since the Greeks valued "perfection" among their children than the actual life.

^^Indeed.


"Although the eldest child was normally raised regardless
of its sex, some historians have conjectured that as many as
20 percent of newborn Athenian girls were abandoned in places
like the local garbage dump. Slave dealers collected a few of
the exposed infants and turned them over to wet nurses to be
raised and sold as slaves. Most exposed infants, however, died,
and exposure quickly became infanticide." -p234

"The Spartan lifestyle exacerbated the population decline. Sparta
was the only Greek state in which male infanticide was institutionalized.." p147

FROM:
-- Sarah B. Pomeroy. 1999. Ancient Greece: a political, social, and cultural history.

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Sudanic inheritances of Ancient Egypt - Vogel

QUOTE:

"The period when sub-Saharan Africa was most
influential in Egypt was a time when neither
Egypt, as we understand it culturally, nor the
Sahara, as we understand it geographically,
existed. Populations and cultures now found south
of the desert roamed far to the north. The
culture of Upper Egypt, which became dynastic
Egyptian civilization, could fairly be called a
Sudanese transplant. Egypt rapidly found a method
of disciplining the river, the land, and the
people to transform the country into a titanic
garden. Egypt rapidly developed detailed cultural
forms that dwarfed its forebears in urbanity and
elaboration. Thus, when new details arrived, they
were rapidly adapted to the vast cultural
superstructure already present. On the other
hand, pharaonic culture was so bound to its place
near the Nile that its huge, interlocked religious,
administrative, and formal structures could not
be readily transferred to relatively mobile
cultures of the desert, savanna, and forest. The
influence of the mature pharaonic civilizations
of Egypt and Kush was almost confined to their
sophisticated trade goods and some significant
elements of technology. Nevertheless, the religious
substratum of Egypt and Kush was so similar to
that of many cultures in southern Sudan today
that it remains possible that fundamental elements
derived from the two high cultures to the north live on."

-- FROM: "(Egypt and Sub-Saharan Africa: Their
Interaction. Encyclopedia of Pre-colonial Africa,
by Joseph O. Vogel, AltaMira Press, (1997), pp.
465-472)

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 -
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


"Homegrown" Ancient Egyptian technology -far from "unchanging" or "static"

Ancient Egyptians pioneered numerous technologies
and were not "static" and "unchanging", but show
a number of innovations.
For example, in addition to the wheel for pottery
from very early on, there were pulleys to hand
the carcasses of animals to be processed and
lathes (Ian Shaw 2003, Ancient Egyptian Materials
and technology). Wheeled vehicles from Egypt appear
in the record as early as the 13th Dynasty, not
as fancy Hyskos chariots but as wheeled sleds. QUOTE:


"Interestingly, earliest representation of
wheeled vehicle from Egypt (tomb of Sebeknekht at
El Kab, Dynasty XIII) shows sledge, mounted on
four disk wheels rather than rollers."


-- Wheeled vehicles and ridden animals in the
ancient Near East (1997), By M. A. Littauer, J.
H. Crouwel


-------------------------------------

Use of the wheel in the Nile Valley- more data

"Much earlier forerunners are shown in tomb paintings of the late
Old Kingdom and the 11th Dynasty showing siege towers with
wheels; depictions of movable siege towers exist from the 6th
Dynasty onwards.) This indicates that the wheel was used in the
transport if heavy loads more frequently than assumed..
The use of wheeled equipment in building is not yet attested
to but may have been fairly common. The soft surface of the
desert sand and the mid of the cultivation may have been a
serious obstacle for heavy carriages but not so much for sledges."

--The encyclopaedia of ancient Egyptian architecture
By Dieter Arnold. 2002. p 195
--------------------------

"In all probability wheels would have been of little practical use,
for the building blocks used were far too large and too heavy to
be carried on a wooden-wheeled cart. The relative scarcity of
wood in ancient Egypt would have made the building of such
carts difficult and overcoming the practical and technical difficulties
of building carts to carry and move great weights would have probably
proved impossible.

Wheels would have been, in any event, a far from practical method
of transport on either agricultural land or the desert where they would
have become quickly bogged down in either mud or sand."

--R. Partridge. (1996) Transport in ancient Egypt. p76
---------------------------------------------------------------


CHANGING INNOVATIONS IN BUILDING CK TECHNOLOGY
Egyptians pioneered in the use of stone, a more difficult
material to work with, compared to the mud-brick of Mesopotamia.
The massive works of polished granite and limestone
show a skill and craftsmanship beyond anything from
contemporary Mesopotamia. And that is not even getting
into the mathematical, engineering and astronomical
knowledge that came with the package. Ramps in raising
huge monuments and buildings were a sophisticated
adaptation with at least 5 different types of ramps
in use to supplement log rollers, ropes and sledges.

As one historian notes:

"The Egyptians advanced beyond the Mesopotamians
in another area: vaulting. They used the tunnel or
barrel vault as their Near Eastern counterparts did,
but they added a new style called the corbel vault that
creates arches using stones that jut out to support
other stones. What this indicates is that Egyptians
builders were not determined in their architectural
structures by other civilisations or influences. another
example of this is the innovative cantilevered beams over
the King's Chamber in Giza pyramid. The pent roof distributes
weight and stress in a new way. In other words, Egypt
had skilful engineers who created new types of architectural
supporting systems."

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EGYPTIAN WRITING SYSTEMS:

DATA FROM THE BOOK: Sticks, stones, and shadows: building the Egyptian
pyramids[/b]

 -

QUOTE:

"Discoveries by Gunter Dreyer of the German Archaeological
Institute suggest that the origin of Egyptian writing needs to be
reexamined, offering the possibility that the idea of writing was
developed in Egypt several centuries before it occurred in the
Near East. Inscriptions from hundreds of pots and labels found
at the royal cemetery at Abydos show some hieroglyphic writing
as far back as 3400 BCE, with most occurring about 3200 BCE.
Sumerian writing seems to have begun about 3100 BCE. The
Egyptians formed and used writing in a different way than the
Asians. The linguistic pictographs of Sumer were rudimentary
were used primarily used for commerce. Those of Egypt were
more representational of real objects and were primarily
employed to identify kings, tombs and the like.

A remarkable find involving early experiments with alphabetic
writing in Egypt has been recently made by John C. Darnell, an
Egyptologist at Yale University, and his wife Deborah. Inscriptions
discovered in the limestone cliffs on an ancient road between
Thebes and Abydos, a route once heavily traveled by Asian
traders and mercenaries in the Egyptian desert, are in a Semitic
script with Egyptian influences. Dated between 1900 and 1000 BCE,
they are two or three centuries older than previous evidence of
an alphabet in the Semitic-speaking territory of the Sinai Peninsula
or in the Syria-Palestine region occupied by the Canaanites. While
there have always been indications that Semites were inventors of
the alphabet, researchers had heretofore assumed that it was
developed in their own lands by borrowing and simplifying Egyptian
hieroglyphs. Instead Darnell's discovery now suggests that, working
with Semitic speakers in Egypt, native scribes simplified formal
pictographic Egyptian writing and modified the symbols into an
early alphabet using a semi-cursive form commonly used in the
Middle Kingdom."

ENDQUOTE- from:
--Martin Isler (2001). Sticks, stones, and shadows: building the
Egyptian pyramids. Univ of Oklahoma PRess. p. 56

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

MORE DATA FROM THE BOOK "LANGUAGE VISIBLE" - INSPIRATION FOR MODERN ALPHABET FLOWED FROM EGYPT

 -


"For the rest of the 20th century, at least through the
year 1999, books and articles on the early alphabet took
their cur from the Canaanite evidence. Your local
library has a whole shelf of books containing the theory
that the alphabet was invented in the Levant, around
1700B.C. Yes, it was inspired partly by Egyptian
hieroglyphics (the theory allows), but the inventors
were looking at imported Egyptian scrolls and
artwork...

By 1998, Darnell and others had reached a couple of
dramatic conclusions. First, the two inscriptions are
probably the oldest alphabetic writing yet discovered,
certainly the oldest that can be dated confidently: They
were carved in about 1800 B.C., give or take a century.
More important, the inscriptions can be viewed as
signposts that point directly back to the alphabet's
invention. On the basis of the Wadi el-Hol evidence,
that invention is now assigned to around 2000 B.C. in
Egypt - about three centuries earlier (and in a different
country) than previously thought. "Finds in Egypt Date
Alphabet in Earlier Era.: announced the front-page New
York Times headline of a November 1999 piece
reporting on the work.

The evidence is in the letter shapes, Darnell explains.
Study has confirmed that every letter of the two
inscriptions is copied from some preexisting symbol in
Egyptian rock-writing and/or hieroglyphics. This is
where the inventors and early users of the alphabet
found their letter shapes.

Certain Wadi el-Hol letter shapes suggest a particular
moment in time when that copying occurred. We know
enough about Egyptian rock writing to track the
evolution of its symbols, and several Wadi el-Hol
letters clearly reflect Egyptian symbol forms of the
early, Middle Kingdom, around 2000 B.C. Yet the
Wadi el-Hol writing preserves letter shapes bequeathed
from the alphabet's invention, around 2000 B.C."

"Who were the inventors? Darnell believes they may
have been in the Egyptian army: Semitic mercenaries or
similar, whom the Egyptians would have called Amu
(Asiatics). These peoples were illiterate originally. But
the army that they joined happened to have a vigorous
writing method for themselves. Perhaps the inventors
were junior officers among the Amu, individuals who
had learned some standard Egyptian rock-writing and
were able to work from there. Perhaps, Darnell
theorizes, they got help from Egyptian army scribes,
who sought to improve the foreigner’s organization
with the gift of literacy.

As to who might have carved the two Wadi el-Hol
inscriptions, same answer as above. Not the inventors
themselves, of course, but their
great-great-great-grandnephews, serving in Egypt’s
camel corps. It was the army that did most of the
writing along desert roads."

ENDQUOTE- from:

--David Sacks (2003). Language visible: unraveling the
mystery of the alphabet from A to Z. Random House.
pp. 34-37


========================================
========================================
=====

http://www.nytimes.com/1999/11/14/world/finds-in-egy
pt-date-alphabet-in-earlier-era.html?pagewanted=print
&src=pm


 -


Finds in Egypt Date Alphabet In Earlier Era
By JOHN NOBLE WILFORD
Published: November 14, 1999


On the track of an ancient road in the desert west of the
Nile, where soldiers, couriers and traders once traveled
from Thebes to Abydos, Egyptologists have found
limestone inscriptions that they say are the earliest
known examples of alphabetic writing.

Their discovery is expected to help fix the time and
place for the origin of the alphabet, one of the foremost
innovations of civilization.

Carved in the cliffs of soft stone, the writing, in a
Semitic script with Egyptian influences, has been dated
to somewhere between 1900 and 1800 B.C., two or
three centuries earlier than previously recognized uses
of a nascent alphabet. The first experiments with
alphabet thus appeared to be the work of Semitic people
living deep in Egypt, not in their homelands in the
Syria-Palestine region, as had been thought.

Although the two inscriptions have yet to be translated,
other evidence at the discovery site supports the idea of
the alphabet as an invention by workaday people that
simplified and democratized writing, freeing it from the
elite hands of official scribes. As such, alphabetic
writing was revolutionary in a sense comparable to the
invention of the printing press much later.

Alphabetic writing emerged as a kind of shorthand by
which fewer than 30 symbols, each one representing a
single sound, could be combined to form words for a
wide variety of ideas and things. This eventually
replaced writing systems like Egyptian hieroglyphics in
which hundreds of pictographs, or idea pictures, had to
be mastered.

''These are the earliest alphabetic inscriptions,
considerably earlier than anyone had thought likely,''
Dr. John Coleman Darnell, an Egyptologist at Yale
University, said last week in an interview about the
discovery.

''They seem to provide us with evidence to tell us when
the alphabet itself was invented, and just how.''

Dr. Darnell and his wife, Deborah, a Ph.D. student in
Egyptology, made the find while conducting a survey of
ancient travel routes in the desert of southern Egypt,
across from the royal city of Thebes and beyond the
pharaohs' tombs in the Valley of the Kings. In the
1993-94 season, they came upon walls of limestone
marked with graffiti at the forlorn Wadi el-Hol, roughly
translated as Gulch of Terror.

Last summer, the Darnells returned to the wadi with
several specialists in early writing. A report on their
findings will be given in Boston on Nov. 22 at a
meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature.

Working in the baking June heat ''about as far out in the
middle of nowhere as I ever want to be,'' Dr. Bruce
Zuckerman, director of the West Semitic Research
Project at the University of Southern California,
assisted the investigation by taking detailed pictures of
the inscriptions for analysis using computerized
photointerpretation techniques. ''This is fresh meat for
the alphabet people,'' he said.

''Because of the early date of the two inscriptions and
the place they were found,'' said Dr. P. Kyle McCarter
Jr., a professor of Near Eastern studies at Johns
Hopkins University. ''it forces us to reconsider a lot of
questions having to do with the early history of the
alphabet. Things I wrote only two years ago I now
consider out of date.''

Dr. Frank M. Cross, an emeritus professor of Near
Eastern languages and culture at Harvard University,
who was not a member of the research team but who
has examined the evidence, judged the inscriptions
''clearly the oldest of alphabetic writing and very
important.'' He said that enough of the symbols in the
inscriptions were identical or similar to later Semitic
alphabetic writing to conclude that ''this belongs to a
single evolution of the alphabet.''

The previously oldest evidence for an alphabet, dated
about 1600 B.C., was found near or in Semitic-speaking
territory, in the Sinai Peninsula and farther north in the
Syria-Palestine region occupied by the ancient
Canaanites. These examples, known as Proto-Sinaitic
and Proto-Canaanite alphabetic inscriptions, were the
basis for scholars' assuming that Semites developed the
alphabet by borrowing and simplifying Egyptian
hieroglyphs, but doing this in their own lands and not in
Egypt itself.

From other, nonalphabetic writing at the site, the
Egyptologists determined that the inscriptions were
made during Egypt's Middle Kingdom in the first two
centuries of the second millennium B.C. And another
discovery in June by the Darnells seemed to establish
the presence of Semitic people at the wadi at the time of
the inscriptions.

Surveying a few hundred yards from the site, the
Darnells found an inscription in nonalphabetic Egyptian
that started with the name of a certain Bebi, who called
himself ''general of the Asiatics.'' This was a term used
for nearly all foreigners, most of whom were Semites,
and many of them served as mercenary soldiers for
Egyptian rulers at a time of raging civil strife or came as
miners and merchants. Another reference to this Bebi
has been found in papyrus records.

''This gives us 99.9 percent certainty,'' Dr. Darnell said
of the conclusion that early alphabetic writing was
developed by Semitic-speaking people in an Egyptian
context. He surmised that scribes in the troops of
mercenaries probably developed the simplified writing
along the lines of a semicursive form of Egyptian
commonly used in the Middle Kingdom in graffiti.
Working with Semitic speakers, the scribes simplified
the pictographs of formal writing and modified the
symbols into an early form of alphabet.

''It was the accidental genius of these Semitic people
who were at first illiterate, living in a very literate
society,'' Dr. McCarter said, interpreting how the
alphabet may have arisen. ''Only a scribe trained over a
lifetime could handle the many different types of signs
in the formal writing. So these people adopted a crude
system of writing within the Egyptian system,
something they could learn in hours, instead of a
lifetime. It was a utilitarian invention for soldiers,
traders, merchants.''

The scholars who have examined the short Wadi el-Hol
inscriptions are having trouble deciphering the
messages, though they think they are close to
understanding some letters and words. ''A few of these
signs just jump out at you, at anyone familiar with
proto-Sinaitic material,'' said Dr. F. W. Dobbs-Allsopp,
who teaches at the Princeton Theological Seminary in
New Jersey and is a specialist in the languages and
history of the Middle East. ''They look just like one
would expect.''

The symbol for M in the inscriptions, for example, is a
wavy line derived from the hieroglyphic sign for water
and almost identical to the symbol for M in later
Semitic writing. The meaning of some signs is less
certain. The figure of a stick man, with arms raised,
appears to have developed into an H in the alphabet, for
reasons unknown.

Scholars said they could identify shapes of letters that
eventually evolved from the image of an ox head into A
and from a house, which looks more like a 9 here, into
the Semitic B, or bayt. The origins and transitions of A
and B are particularly interesting because the
Egyptian-influenced Semitic alphabet as further
developed by the Phoenicians, latter-day Canaanites,
was passed to the Greeks, probably as early as the 12th
century B.C. and certainly by the 9th century B.C. From
the Greeks the simplified writing system entered
Western culture by the name alphabet, a combination
word for the Greek A and B, alpha and beta.

The only words in the inscriptions the researchers think
they understand are, reading right to left, the title for a
chief in the beginning and a reference to a god at the
end.

If the early date for the inscriptions is correct, this puts
the origins of alphabetic writing well before the
probable time of the biblical story of Joseph being
delivered by his brothers into Egyptian bondage, the
scholars said. The Semites involved in the alphabet
invention would have been part of an earlier population
of alien workers in Egypt.

Although it is still possible that the Semites took the
alphabet idea with them to Egypt, Dr. McCarter of
Johns Hopkins said that the considerable evidence of
Egyptian symbols and the absence of any contemporary
writing of a similar nature anywhere in the
Syria-Palestine lands made this unlikely.

The other earliest primitive writing, the cuneiform
developed by Sumerians in the Tigris and Euphrates
Valley of present-day Iraq, remained entirely
pictographic until about 1400 B.C. The Sumerians are
generally credited with the first invention of writing,
around 3200 B.C., but some recent findings at Abydos
in Egypt suggest a possibly earlier origin there. The
issue is still controversial.

For Dr. Darnell, though, it is exciting enough to learn
that in a forsaken place like Wadi el-Hol, along an old
desert road, people showed they had taken a major step
in written communication. He is returning to the site
next month for further exploration.

========================================
========================================
=======

 -

EGYPTIAN WRITING SYSTEMS BEFORE
MESOPOTAMIAN


Linguistic writing systems and population
movements.

The southern area of the Nile Valley not only produced
advanced material culture and political organization but
also pioneered in the advancement of learning and
communication via writing, contradicting claims of an
outside Mediterranean or Mesopotamian influx
responsible for such developments. In 1998 a German
archaeological team under scholar Günter Dreyer, head
of the German Archaeological Institute, excavated
tombs associated with the Naqada culture and retrieved
hundreds of clay artifacts inscribed with
proto-hieroglyphs, dating to the 33rd century BC.[151]
Of Dreyer's finds, Archaeology Magazine states that
they "...challenge the commonly held belief that early
logographs, pictographic symbols representing a
specific place, object, or quantity, first evolved into
more complex phonetic symbols in
Mesopotamia."[152]

The early examples appear to have been building blocks
for later development into the full complex of
hieroglyphs for inscribing the ancient Egyptian
language,[153] showing a measure of continuity into
the period of the pharaohs. According to Dreyer, these
continuities provide evidence that the writing used later
by Egyptian kingships developed gradually in the native
environment. "Most of them are documents, records of
linen and oil delivered to the King Scorpion, taxes,
short notes, numbers, lists of kings' names, and names
of institutions.. The writing is in the form of line
drawings of animals, plants and mountains and is the
earliest evidence that hieroglyphics used by later-day
Pharaonic dynasties did not rise as phoenix from the
ashes but developed gradually.. Although the Egyptian
writing is in the form of symbols it can be called true
writing because each symbol stands for a consonant and
makes up syllables. In principle Ancient Egyptians were
able to express themselves clearly.."[154] According to
mainstream Egyptologist Kent Weeks, professor of
Egyptology at the American University in Cairo,
Dreyer's data suggests "one of the greatest discoveries
in history of writing and ancient Egyptian culture."[155]

Dreyer has moved beyond his early findings to postulate
that the Egyptians were the first in the world to develop
systematic writing as opposed to the commonly held
view that the Mesopotamians did.[156] Some Egyptian
archaeology authorities appear to support Dreyer's
hypothesis of Egyptian primacy. According to a 1999
statement by one Gaballa Ali Gaballa, secretary-general
of the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities: "The
earliest known Sumerian writings date back to 3000BC
while the German team's find shows that Abydos
inscriptions date to 3400BC. The first Pharaonic
dynasty began in 2920BC with King Menes. The
earliest known writing in Dynasty Zero is much earlier
than the oldest writing discovered in Mesopotamia."
[157]

While scholarly debate and research continues on the
topic[158], but the presence of the ancient writings
from very early times provides yet more evidence
against the notion of a "Dynastic Race" sweeping into
the Nile Valley to give the natives advanced culture like
writing. Rather the evidence indicates the opposite, and
emphasizes the primarily indigenous nature of Egyptian
civilization.

Language similarities among the Nilotic peoples.
Modern scholarship has moved away from earlier
notions of a "Hamitic" race speaking Hamito-Semitic
languages, and places the Egyptian language in a more
localized context, centered around its general Saharan
and Nilotic roots.(F. Yurco "An Egyptological Review",
1996)[159] Linguistic analysis (Diakanoff 1998) places
most of the origin of the Afro-Asiatic languages wholly
within Africa, primarily in the southeastern Sahara or
adjacent Horn of Africa, with Semitic groupings
straddling the Nile Delta and Sinai.[160]

Other recent research demonstrates several African
languages that share features with Egyptian, such as the
Chadic languages of west and central Africa, the
Cushitic languages of northeast Africa, and the Semitic
languages of Ethiopia and Eritrea.[161] Acceptance of
an African origin for the Afro-Asiatic language
grouping (of which ancient Egyptian is a part) is
widespread among most mainstream scholars.[162]


References

151. ^ Gunter Dreyer, Umm El-Quaab I-Das
pradynastische Konigsgrab U-j and seine fruhen
Schriftzeugnisse (1998)- translation: Umm El-Quaab
I-The Predynastic Royal Tomb U-j and Its Early
Writing-Evidence]; see also Allen, James Paul. 2000.
Middle Egyptian: An Introduction to the Language and
Culture of Hieroglyphs. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, pp. 1-20

152. ^ Larkin Mitchell, "Earliest Egyptian Glyphs,"
Archaeology, Volume 52 Number 2, March/April 1999

153. ^ Dreyer, Allen, op. cit

154. ^ Nevine El-Aref, "Did writing originate in
Egypt?" Al-Ahram Weekly: 1 - 7 April 1999, Issue No.
423

155. ^ "Egyptian writing dating to 3300 B.C.
discovered," The Japan Times, December 17, 1998
156. ^ Nevine El-Aref, "Did writing originate in
Egypt?" op. cit

157. ^ Nevine El-Aref, "Did writing originate in
Egypt?" Al-Ahram Weekly: 1 - 7 April 1999, Issue No.
423

158. ^ Larkin, op. cit. Archaelogy..

159. ^ Yurco, op. cit.

160. ^ M.Diakonoff, "THE EARLIEST SEMITIC
SOCIETY LINGUISTIC DATA," Journal of Semitic
Studies, 43,209 (1998)

161. ^ Russell G. Schuh, "The Use and Misuse of
language in the study of African history" (1997), in:
Ufahamu 25(1):36-81

162. ^ "The Afroasiatic Language Phylum: African in
Origin, or Asian?" Daniel F. Mc Call, Current
Anthropology, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Feb., 1998), pp. 139-144

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zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova
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The "African climate" incorporates diverse temperature,
humidity, atmospheric pressure, wind, rainfall,
atmospheric particle count and other meteorological
elements in a wide range of environments -- from
deserts, to high altitude snowy zones, to jungle,
to savannah, to mixed woodlands, to higher altitude cloud forest,
and all that is WITHIN the TROPICAL zone of Africa.

 -

---------------------------------------------------------

And just as tropical African environments are diverse,
so are tropical African peoples as credible scientists
note time and time again.

QUOTES:


Most phenotypic variation
"Both methods for estimating regional diversity show sub-Saharan
Africa to have the highest levels of phenotypic variation, consistent with many genetic studies."
--- Relethford, John "Global Analysis of Regional Differences in Craniometric
Diversity and Population Substructure". Human Biology - Volume 73, Number 5,
October 2001, pp. 629-636)


Most genetic variation
"Africa contains tremendous cultural, linguistic and genetic diversity, and
has more than 2,000 distinct ethnic groups and languages.. Studies using
mitochondrial (mt)DNA and nuclear DNA markers consistently indicate that
Africa is the most genetically diverse region of the world."
---Tishkoff SA, Williams SM., Genetic analysis of African populations:
human evolution and complex disease. Nature Reviews Genetics. 2002 Aug (8):611-21.)


Most skin color variation
"Previous studies of genetic and craniometric traits have found higher
levels of within-population diversity in sub-Saharan Africa compared
to other geographic regions.
This study examines regional differences in within-population diversity
of human skin color. Published data on skin reflectance were collected
for 98 male samples from eight geographic regions: sub-Saharan Africa,
North Africa, Europe, West Asia, Southwest Asia, South Asia, Australasia,
and the New World. Regional differences in local within-population diversity
were examined using two measures of variability: the sample variance and
the sample coefficient of variation. For both measures, the average level of
within-population diversity is higher in sub-Saharan Africa than in other geographic
regions. This difference persists even after adjusting for a correlation between
within-population diversity and distance from the equator. Though affected by
natural selection, skin color variation shows the same pattern of higher African
diversity as found with other traits."

-- Relethford JH.(2000). Human skin color diversity is highest in sub-Saharan
African populations. Hum Biol. 2000 Oct;72(5):773-80.)

 -

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Nubians and Egyptians- the close affinities

 -

Nubians ethnically the closest to the ancient Egyptians, and share affinities with other tropical Africans. [Quote:]


"In some cases, the statistics reveal that the Egyptian samples were more similar to Nubian samples than to other Egyptian samples (e.g. Gizeh and Hesa/Biga) and vice versa (e.g. Badari and Kerma, Naqada and Christian). .. The clustering of the Nubian and Egyptian samples together supports this paper's hypothesis and demonstrates that there may be a close relationship between the two populations. This relationship is consistent with Berry and Berry (1972), among others, who noted a similarity between Nubians and Egyptians� Thus, the osteological material used in this analysis also supports the DNA evidence. On this basis, many have postulated that the Badarians are relatives to South African populations..

The archaeological evidence points to this relationship as well. (Hassan, 1986) and (Hassan, 1988) noted similarities between Badarian pottery and the Neolithic Khartoum type, indicating an archaeological affinity among Badarians and Africans from more southern regions. Furthermore, like the Badarians, Naqada has also been classified with other African groups, namely the Teita (Crichton, 1996; Keita, 1990)� Nutter (1958) noted affinities between the Badarian and Naqada samples, a feature that Strouhal (1971) attributed to their skulls possessing �Negroid� traits. Keita (1992), using craniometrics, discovered that the Badarian series is distinctly different from the later Egyptian series, a conclusion that is mostly confirmed here. In the current analysis, the Badari sample more closely clusters with the Naqada sample and the Kerma sample."

-- Godde K. (2009) An Examination of Nubian and Egyptian biological distances: Support for biological diffusion or in situ development? Homo. 2009;60(5):389-404.

------------------------


 -

Nubia had close relationships with Egypt in pre-Dynastic and early
Dynastic periods via pastoralism and other shared cultural elements.
Nubia also a key player in the African pastoral tradition.
QUOTE:

"Morphological and genetic research seems to provide further support for the topic. According to Grigson (1991, 2000) Egyptian cattle of the 4th millennium BC were morphologically distinct from Eurasian cattle (Bos taurus) and Zebu (Bos indicus), meaning that African cattle may have been domesticated from the local wild Bos primigenius before the aforementioned date.... The zoological, genetic and linguistic studies thus not only suggest an African origin for cattle domestication, but also provide a precise time frame and geographicallocation which, generally speaking, fits well with that proposed by the CPE (Combined Prehistoric Expedition). A further element which might give support to the matter comes from the archaeological record, namely the pottery."

"To sum up, Nubia is Egypt’s African ancestor. What linked Ancient Egypt to the rest of the North African cultures is this strong tie with the Nubian pastoral nomadic lifestyle, the same pastoral background commonly shared by most of the ancient Saharan and modern sub-Saharan societies. Thus, not only did Nubia have a prominent role in the origin of Ancient Egypt, it was also a key area for the origin of the entire African pastoral tradition."
--Gatto M. 2009. The Nubian Pastoral Culture as Link between Egypt and Africa A View from the Archaeological Record. British Archaelogical Reports: Egypt in its African Context: BAR S2204- Archaeopress. 21-29

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zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova
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Limb proportion studies data - RECAP

 -


Raxter & Ruff, et al. (2008) Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians. Amer J. Phy Anthro 136 (2), 147-55. Most samples drawn from northern Egypt near the Mediterranean, closer to Europe and the Levant, but still link more with Blacks. Earlier studies (Trinkhaus 1981) also link Blacks more closely than Southern or Northern Europeans, or US Whites. Zakrewski (2003) shows similar patterns.


Trinkhaus found Holocene Egyptians plotting nearer to, or resemble more other tropically adapted peoples like Pygmies, US Blacks and Melanesians. The closest match is with fellow Africans. Southern Europeans like Yugoslavs, Northern Europeans like Belgians, and white Americans are more distant from the US blacks and Egyptians. (Trinkhaus, E. (1981) ‘Neanderthal limb proportions and cold adaptation’. p. 211). Trinkhaus’s results confirm studies going back to the 1950s, and recent limb studies by Zakrewski (2003). Raxter, Ruff et. al. (2008) applied limb analysis to ancient Egyptians. The outcome was the same. US Blacks linked closer to the Egyptians, than whites. (Raxter & Ruff, et al. (2008) Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians. Amer J. Phy Anthro 136 (2), 147-55.)

QUOTE:
"Body proportions are under strong climatic selection and evince remarkable stability within regional lineages.” (Gallagher 2009, Population continuity
"..sample populations available from northern Egypt from before the 1st Dynasty (Merimda, Maadi and Wadi Digla) turn out to be significantly different from sample populations from early Palestine and Byblos, suggesting a lack of common ancestors over a long time. If there was a south-north cline variation along the Nile valley it did not, from this limited evidence, continue smoothly on into southern Palestine. The limb-length proportions of males from the Egyptian sites group them with Africans rather than with Europeans." (Barry Kemp, "Ancient Egypt Anatomy of a Civilisation. (2005) Routledge. p. 54)

QUOTE
“The raw values in Table 6 suggest that Egyptians had the “super-Negroid” body plan described by Robins (1983).. This pattern .. indicates that the Egyptians generally have tropical body plans. .. all samples lie relatively clustered together as compared to the other populations." (Zakrzewski, S.R. (2003). "Variation in ancient Egyptian stature and body proportions". Amer J. Phy Anth. 121 (3): 219-229.
"Intralimb (crural and brachial) indices are significantly higher in ancient Egyptians than in American Whites.. Intralimb indices are not significantly different between Egyptians and American Blacks... Many of those who have studied ancient Egyptians have commented on their characteristically ‘‘tropical’’ or ‘‘African’’ body plan (Warren, 1897; Masali, 1972; Robins, 1983; Robins and Shute, 1983, 1984, 1986; Zakrzewski, 2003). Egyptians also fall within the range of modern African populations .. (brachial indices are definitely more ‘‘African’’).. In terms of femoral and tibial length to total skeletal height proportions, we found that ancient Egyptians are significantly different from US Blacks, although still closer to Blacks than to Whites.” (-- "Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians" Raxter & Ruff, et al. Am J Phys Anthropol. 2008,136(2):147-55)

QUOTE
“"It can be seen that all the pharonic values, including those of 'Smakhare', lie much closer to the negro curve than to the white curve. Since stature equations only work satisfactorily in the individuals to whom they have applied have similar proportions to the population group from which they are derived, this provides justification for using negro equations for estimating stature from single bones of the New Kingdom pharoahs, renforcing the previous findings of Robins (1983). Furthermore, the Troller and Gleser white equations for the femur, tibia and humerus yield stature values that have a much wider spread than
those from negro equations with mean values that are unacceptably large."
--Robins and Schute. The Physical Proportions and Stature

QUOTE
"Estimates of living stature, based on X-ray measurements applied to the Trotter & Gleser (1958) negro equations for the femur, tibia and humerus, have been made for ancient Egyptian kings belonging to the 18th and 19th dynasties. The corresponding equations for whites give values for stature that are unsatisfactorily high. The view that Thutmose III was excessively short is proved to be a myth. It is shown that the limbs of the pharaohs, like those of other Ancient Egyptians, had negroid characteristics, in that the distal segments were relatively long in comparison with the proximal segments. An exception was Ramesses II, who appears to have had short legs below the knees."

--Robins and Schute. The Physical Proportions and Stature of New Kingdom Pharaohs," Journal of Human Evolution 12 (1983), 455-465


QUOTE
"Robins (1983) and Robins & Shute (1983) have shown that more consistent results are obtained from ancient Egyptian male skeletons if Trotter & Gleser formulae for negro are used, rather than those for whites which have always been applied in the past. .. their physical proportions were more like modern negroes than those of modern whites, with limbs that were relatively long compared with the trunk, and distal segments
QUOTEthat were long compared with the proximal segments. If ancient Egyptian males had what may be termed negroid proportions, it seems reasonable that females did likewise."
- Robins G, Shute CCD. 1986. Predynastic Egyptian stature and physical propor
tions. Hum Evol 1:313–324. Ruff CB. 1994.)

QUOTE
"The late XVII Dynasty and XVIII Dynasty royal mummies display the strongest Nubian affinities. In terms of maxillary protrusion as measured by SNA, the mean value for these Pharaohs is 84.21 comparable to that of African Americans. .. In regards to head shape, the late XVII and XVIII dynasty mummies are very close to Nubian samples intermediate between the Mesolithic and Christian periods. The zygomatic arches are almost always vertical or forward and not receding.“ --PK Manansala 2006 on James Harris & Edward Wente, X-ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1980)


Pharaonic-Nubian links long before 25th Dynasty confirmed by mainstream Egyptology scholars: -QUOTE “The XIIth Dynasty (1991-1786 B.C.E.) originated from the Aswan region.4 As expected, strong Nubian features and dark coloring are seen in their sculpture and relief work. This dynasty ranks as among the greatest, whose fame far outlived its actual tenure on the throne.” -- (F. J. Yurco, 'Were the ancient Egyptians black or white?', Biblical Archaeology Review (Vol 15, no. 5, 1989)


Middle Easterners did not have tropical body proportions like ancient Egyptians – QUOTE:
“Results indicate that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids have African-like, or tropically adapted, proportions, while those from Amud, Kebara, Tabun, and Shanidar (Iraq) have more European-like, or cold-adapted, proportions. This suggests that there were in fact two distinct Western Asian populations and that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids were likely African in origin - a result consistent with the "Replacement" model of modern human origins.. What we can say, however, is that in the Holocene, humans from southwest Asia do not exhibit tropically adapted body shape..”
--Holliday, T. 2000. Evolution at the Crossroads. Amr Anthr, 102. 54-68


Egyptians group with tropical Africans and African-Americans
QUOTE – Holliday 2010:
"These same log shape variables were subjected to two
forms of cluster analysis: neighbor-joining (NJ) and unweighted
pair-group method using averages (UPGMA) tree analysis.
Figure 8 is the NJ tree. It has two main branches—a long and
linear body build branch that includes the Egyptians, Sub-Saharan
Africans (except for the Pygmies), and African-Americans and a
second, less linear body form branch that includes the Inuit,
Europeans, Euro-Americans, Puebloans, Nubians, and Pygmies.
Note that the Nubians used in this study are thought by some to
represent an immigrant population from Europe or Western
Asia [see Holliday (1995)."
--Holliday, T. (2010) Body proportions of circumpolar peoples as
evidenced from skeletal data. AmerJrPhyAntrho, 142: 2. 287-302


Northern Egyptians group with Africans:
QUOTE – Smith 2002: "Limb length proportions in males from Maadi and Merimde group them with African rather than European populations. Mean femur length in males from Maadi was similar to that recorded at Byblos and the early Bronze Age male from Kabri, but mean tibia length in Maadi males was 6.9cm longer than that at Byblos. At Merimde both bones were longer than at the other sites shown, but again, the tibia was longer proportionate to femurs than at Byblos (Fig 6.2), reinforcing the impression of an African rather than Levantine affinity."
-- Smith, P. (2002) The palaeo-biological evidence for admixture between populations in the southern Levant and Egypt.- In: Egypt and the Levant: interrelations from the 4th through the 3rd millenium, BCE. Leicester Univ. 118-28


Body/limb proportions have strong genetic element - don’t change quickly over millennia- QUOTE:
"Human body proportions also appear to have a substantial genetic component. Differences in body proportions between Eskimos and non-Eskimos, for example, appear early in ontogeny.. The low sitting height/stature ratio of Australian aborigines is present early in development.. Schultz (1923, 1926) found significant differences between African–American and Euroamerican fetuses in brachial and crural indices, length of the legs relative to the trunk, and relative pelvic width. The fact that these ‘‘racial’’ features are manifested early in fetal life indicates strong genetic encoding of body and limb proportions.
In addition, body shape in human appears to be more resistant to nutritional deficiency or disease than is body size .. Body proportions of human migrants, for example, are conservative; despite often exhibiting a marked increase in stature, children of migrants tend to retain the body proportions of their ancestral homeland, and do not develop the proportions of their new neighbors.. Also, while secular trends in body shape have been documented, they do not negate the value of body proportions as short-term phylogenetic markers... nutritional differences alone cannot explain all of the global variability in body shape. Rather, they note that much of the difference seen today in body shape between broad geographic groups is genetically-driven.
Migration within a larger time framework took place ca. 15,000–18,000 BP, .., ultimately founding the modern Amerindian population. Despite having as much as 18,000 years of selection in environments as diverse as those found in the Old World, body mass and proportion clines in the Americas are less steep than those in the Old World.. Amerindians,. This suggests that body proportions tend not to be very plastic under natural conditions, and that selective rates on body shape are such that evolution in these features is long-term."
--Holliday T. (1997). Body proportions in Late Pleistocene Europe..human origins. Jrnl Hum Evo. 32: 423-447

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Conservative Egyptologist actually says it is reasonable
to view ancient Egyptians as "black" based on social construct
race model



"The evidence also points to linkages to
other northeast African peoples, not
coincidentally approximating the modern
range of languages closely related to
Egyptian in the Afro-Asiatic group
(formerly called Hamito-Semetic). These
linguistic similarities place ancient
Egyptian in a close relationship with
languages spoken today as far west as
Chad, and as far south as Somalia.

Archaeological evidence also strongly
supports an African origin. A widespread
northeastern African cultural assemblage,
including distinctive multiple barbed
harpoons and pottery decorated with
dotted wavy line patterns, appears during
the early Neolithic (also known as the
Aqualithic, a reference to the mild
climate of the Sahara at this time).
Saharan and Sudanese rock art from this
time resembles early Egyptian
iconography. Strong connections
between Nubian (Sudanese) and
Egyptian material culture continue in
later Neolithic Badarian culture of Upper
Egypt. Similarities include black-topped
wares, vessels with characteristic
ripple-burnished surfaces, a special
tulip-shaped vessel with incised and
white-filled decoration, palettes, and
harpoons...

Other ancient Egyptian practices show
strong similarities to modern African
cultures including divine kingship, the
use of headrests, body art, circumcision,
and male coming-of-age rituals, all
suggesting an African substratum or
foundation for Egyptian civilization.."

-- Source: Donald Redford (2001) The
Oxford encyclopedia of ancient Egypt,
Volume 3. Oxford University Press. p.28


^^Of course on a non-social construct-science basis, the data shows Ancient
Egyptians clustering or more similar to other Africans, with stronger
similarities based on different eras.

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David OConnor - Ancient Egypt in Africa


 -

".. but his [Frankfort's] frequent citations from African
ethnography- over 60 are listed in the index- demonstrate
that there is a powerful resonance between recent African
concepts and practice on one hand, and ancient Egyptian
kingship and religion on the other.."

Rowlands (Chapter 4) provides much additional evidence
suggesting that 'sub-Saharan Africa and Ancient Egypt
share certain commonalities in substantive images and
ideas, yet whose cultural forms display differences
consistent with perhaps millennia of historical divergence
and institutionalization'.

"First, kingship in Egypt was 'the channel through which
the powers of nature flowed into the body politic to bring
human endeavour to fruition' and thus was closely
analogous to the widespread African belief that 'chieftains
entertain closer relationship with the powers in nature than
other men' (Frankfort 1948: 33, ch. 2). Second, the
Egyptian king's metaphorical identification as an all
powerful bull who tramples his enemeis and inseminates his
cow-mother to achieve regeneration was derived from
Egyptian ideas and beliefs abut cattle for which best
parallels can be found in some, but not all, recent African
societies.."

"Like the chiefs discussed by Rowlands, the king combines
'life giving forces with the power to kill" (Rowlands, Chapter
4:52). Overall, this Egyptian concept of kingship, so akin to
African models, seems very different to that held in the
ancient Near East (Frankfort 1948; Postgate 1995)"

"In conclusion, there is a relative abundance of ancient
materials relevant to contact and influence, as well as
striking correlations between ancient Egyptian civilization
and the ethnography of recent and current sub-Saharan
communities, chiefdoms and states... Perhaps the fact that
commonalities do exist suggests that, because of great
time depth and different organization, these commonalities
may result from inherently African processes."


--David O'Connor, Andrew Reid (2007) ANCIENT EGYPT IN
AFRICA. pp 15-22


Other mainstream scholars

[QUOTE:]

[i]"The evidence also points to linkages to
other northeast African peoples, not
coincidentally approximating the modern
range of languages closely related to
Egyptian in the Afro-Asiatic group
(formerly called Hamito-Semetic). These
linguistic similarities place ancient
Egyptian in a close relationship with
languages spoken today as far west as
Chad, and as far south as Somalia.
Archaeological evidence also strongly
supports an African origin. A widespread
northeastern African cultural assemblage,
including distinctive multiple barbed
harpoons and pottery decorated with
dotted wavy line patterns, appears during
the early Neolithic (also known as the
Aqualithic, a reference to the mild
climate of the Sahara at this time).
Saharan and Sudanese rock art from this
time resembles early Egyptian
iconography. Strong connections
between Nubian (Sudanese) and
Egyptian material culture continue in
later Neolithic Badarian culture of Upper
Egypt. Similarities include black-topped
wares, vessels with characteristic
ripple-burnished surfaces, a special
tulip-shaped vessel with incised and
white-filled decoration, palettes, and
harpoons...

Other ancient Egyptian practices show
strong similarities to modern African
cultures including divine kingship, the
use of headrests, body art, circumcision,
and male coming-of-age rituals, all
suggesting an African substratum or
foundation for Egyptian civilization.."

-- Source: Donald Redford (2001) The
Oxford encyclopedia of ancient Egypt,
Volume 3. Oxford University Press. p.28

MORE MODERN SCHOLARS..

"Ancient Egypt belongs to a language
group known as 'Afroasiatic' (formerly
called Hamito-Semitic) and its closest
relatives are other north-east African
languages from Somalia to Chad. Egypt's
cultural features, both material and
ideological and particularly in the earliest
phases, show clear connections with that
same broad area. In sum, ancient Egypt
was an African culture, developed by
African peoples, who had wide ranging
contacts in north Africa and western
Asia."
--Morkot, Robert (2005) The Egyptians: An Introduction. p. 10)

"The ancient Egyptians were not 'white' in any European sense,
nor were they 'Caucasian'... we can say that the earliest population
of ancient Egypt included African people from the upper Nile, African
people from the regions of the Sahara and modern Libya, and smaller
numbers of people who had come from south-western Asia and
perhaps the Arabian penisula."
--Robert Morkot (2005). The Egyptians: An Introduction. pp. 12-13

"Over the long run of northeastern African history, what emerges most
strongly is the extent to which ancient Egypt's culture grew from sub-Saharan
African roots. The earliest foundations of the culture that was to evolve into that
of dynastic Egypt were laid, as we have already discovered, by Afrasan immigrants
from the general direction of the southern Red Sea hills, who arrived probably well
before 10,000 B.C.E. The new inhabitants brought with them a language directly
ancestral to ancient Egyptian. They introduced to Egypt the idea of using wild grasses
or grains as food. They also introduced a new religion Its central belief, in the efficacy
of clan deities, explains the traceability of the ancient Egyptian gods to different particular
Egyptians localities: originally they were the deities of the local communities, whose
members in still earlier times had belonged to a clan or a group of related clans."
--Christopher Ehret. (2002) The Civilizations of
Africa: A History to 1800. p. 93

".. how is it come about that Neolithic Saharan civilizations, ancient Egypt and
modern Black African civilizations share cultural features? .. Today however,
essentially autochthonous explanations are preferred based on what we call
the substratum theory, whereby all the civilizations in question, even in their
differences and peculiarities share a common cultural substratum as occurs
in the northern world among Indo-European civilizations."
--CERVELLÓ AUTUORI, Joseph, Egypt, Africa and the Ancient World,
in: Proceedings 7th Int. Congress of Egyptologists, 261-272.

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 -

The Qustul Incense Burner demonstrates the
close relations between the early Nubian and
Egyptian regions and Nubian influence in the
genesis of Ancient Egypt: namely the
formulation of key indices of royal power, such
as the White Crown and related iconography
later adopted by the Egyptians of the Early
Dynastic Period, or as an example of shared
cultural symbols and traditions between the two
closely related peoples of the Nile Valley.
Whatever the exact influence, the monumental
Pharaonic culture was entirely at home in
Nubia.



"The white crown, associated in historic times
with Upper Egypt, is first attested later than the
red crown, but is directly associated with the
ruler somewhat earlier. The earliest known
depiction of the white crown is on a ceremonial
incense burner from Cemetery L and Qustul, in
Lower Nubia (Williams 1986: pls 35,38). Tomb
L24 contained a variety of prestige objects and in
all probability belonged to a late Predynastic
king of Lower Nubia, contemporary with the
ruler buried in Abydos tomb U-j (*Naqada III2,
c, 3150 BC). The Qustul incense burner is a
remarkable object of supreme importance for the
development of Egyptian royal iconography. The
incised scenes around the edge of the object
include the representation of a seated ruler,
wearing the tall white crown. Evidence of close
contacts between the rulers and their
contemporaries at Heraknopolis may support the
theory that the white crown originated at the
latter site..

The Narmer Palate indicates that the white crown
was the superior of the two crowns, since the
figure of the king wearing the white crown is
significantly larger than the figure wearing the
red crown. The superiority of the white crown
may have derived from its intimate association
with the royal line of Hierakonpolis, which
played a decisive role in the unification of Egypt.
The white crown retained this superiority
throughout Egyptian history. More than simple
items of regalia, the red and white crowns were
imbued with magical significance and were
worshipped as cult objects in their own right."


--Toby A.H. Wilkinson - 2002 -Early Dynastic
Egypt - Page 165


"O'Connor has argued that the incense burner
was made in Egypt or decorated by Egyptians
and presented to a ruler of Qustul as a gift
(O'Connor 1993: 21). It has been argued that
incense burners are, however, unknown in Egypt
and so it would seem unlikely that Egyptian
craftsmen would make something so unfamiliar
in order to send it to Nubia.. An alternative
explanation is that these images of rulership- the
seated figure with white crown the high prowed
barque, the standards, falcon and serekhs- may
have been long shared as such. In other words the
region of Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia had a
common cultural tradition. Can we see this as a
gift from one ruler to another, i.e. among equals?
The iconography would presumably only be
significant in a gift if it was understood by the
recipient. Williams himself has argued that the
design elements of the Qustul incense burner are
to be found throughout the Egyptian Nile Valley
from Naqada II on (Williams 1986:144).. While
these motifs may not have had the same precise
meanings in their Egyptian contexts (Pittman
1996: 13-14) it can be suggested that at an early
date (at least Naqada II) there was a movement
of ideas as well as objects in this case and a
burgeoning elite, and that certainly the Nile River
would have facilitated the fluidity of such
exchanges.... Williams is partly justified in
stating that "it indicates that monumental
Pharaonic culture was entirely at home in
Nubia", at least among a certain group, and that
it highlights closer ties between Egyptian and its
southern neighbours."


--Jane Roy. 2011. The Politics of Trade: Egypt
and Lower Nubia in the 4th Millennium BC.
215-217


Scholar Nancy Lovell studied dental traits
among some high status persons of the key
Egyptian Naqada group and found that they
resembled the peoples of Nubia.


"A biological affinities study based on
frequencies of cranial nonmetric traits in skeletal
samples from three cemeteries at Predynastic
Naqada, Egypt, confirms the results of a recent
nonmetric dental morphological analysis. Both
cranial and dental traits analyses indicate that the
individuals buried in a cemetery characterized
archaeologically as high status are significantly
different from individuals buried in two other,
apparently non-elite cemeteries and that the
non-elite samples are not significantly different
from each other. A comparison with neighboring
Nile Valley skeletal samples suggests that the
high status cemetery represents an endogamous
ruling or elite segment of the local population at
Naqada, which is more closely related to
populations in northern Nubia than to
neighboring populations in southern Egypt."


--(T. Prowse, and N. Lovell "Concordance of
cranial and dental morphological traits and
evidence for endogamy in ancient Egypt".
American journal of physical anthropology.
1996, vol. 101, no2, pp. 237-246 (2 p.1/4)

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