posted
I draw a blank now on those 2. Probably buried somewhere in the master list. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------
more for the archives...
Modern Egyptians cluster with Sub-Saharan Africans on several counts QUOTE:
"The biological characteristics of modern Egyptians show a north-south cline, reflecting their geographic location between sub-Saharan Africa and the Levant. This is expressed in DNA, blood groups, serum proteins and genetic disorders (Filon 1996; Hammer et al. 1998; Krings et al. 1999). They can also be expressed in phenotypic characteristics that can be identified in teeth and bones (Crichton 1966; Froment 1992; Keita 1996). These characteristics include head form, facial and nasal characteristics, jaw relationships, tooth size, morphology and upper/lower limb proportions. In all these features, Modern Egyptians resemble Sub-Saharan Africans (Howells 1989, Keita 1995)."
-- Smith, P. (2002) The palaeo-biological evidence for admixture between populations in the southern Levant and Egypt in the fourth to third millennia BCE. in E.C.M van den Brink and TE Levy, eds. Egypt and the Levant: interrelations from the 4th through the 3rd millenium, BCE. Leicester Univ Press: 2002, 118-28
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"Descriptions and photographs of late paleolithic remains from Egypt indicate characteristics which distinguish them clearly from their European counterparts at 30,000 and 20,000 years BP (cf. Thoma, 1984; Stewart, 1985; Angel 1986). These characteristics, commonly called "Negroid", are shared with later Nile Valley and more southerly groups. Epipaleolithic Nile valley remains diverge notably from their Maghreban and European counterparts in key craniofacial characteristics (see comments in Keita, 1990); although late Natufian hunters and early Anatolian farmers (Angel, 1972) shared many of these traits, suggesting late Paleolithic migration out of Africa, as supported by archaeology (Bar Yosef, 1987)." --International Journal of Anthropology, Volume 10. 1995. pg 110
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"Descriptions and photographs of late paleolithic remains from Egypt indicate characteristics which distinguish them clearly from their European counterparts at 30,000 and 20,000 years BP (cf. Thoma, 1984; Stewart, 1985; Angel 1986). These characteristics, commonly called "Negroid", are shared with later Nile Valley and more southerly groups. Epipaleolithic Nile valley remains diverge notably from their Maghreban and European counterparts in key craniofacial characteristics (see comments in Keita, 1990); although late Natufian hunters and early Anatolian farmers (Angel, 1972) shared many of these traits, suggesting late Paleolithic migration out of Africa, as supported by archaeology (Bar Yosef, 1987)." --International Journal of Anthropology, Volume 10. 1995. pg 110
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"The majority of the resting M lineages found in Arabia has matches or are related to Indian clades. In addition, some M sequences point to rare links with more remote geographic regions as Central Asia, West New Guinea and even Australia (Abu-Amero et al., 2008). Although more ancient connections cannot be discarded, it seems that this rare M component in the Arabian populations could be the result of trade and military links among those regions in Arabia during and after the British role. As all the M lineages found in Arabia belong to haplogroups that have deeper roots and diversities in other geographic regions, its presence in the Arabian peninsula is better explained as external genetic inputs. Therefore, there are no traces of autochthonous M lineages in Arabia that could support the exit of modern humans from Africa across the Bab al Mandab strait."
--Vicente M. Cabrera et al. 2009
Cabrera V. et. al (2009). The Arabian Penisula: Gate for Human Migrations Out of Africa or Cul-de-sac? A Mitochondrial DNA Phylogeographic Perspective. IN: Petraglia, D. and Rose J. (eds) (2009) The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia: Paleoenvironments, Prehistory and Genetics. Springer: 2010. pp. 79-87 --------------------------------------------------------------------
"Macrohaplogroup M in Arabia
Macrohaplogroup M is particularly abundant and diverse in South and Southeast Asia, reaching frequencies above 60% in some regions (Metspalu et al., 2004). However, it is practically absent in western Asia (Quintana-Murci et al., 2004). In Africa, only one autochthonous basal branch of M, named M1, has been detected (Quintana-Murci et al., 1999). In this continent it has a predominant northern distribution. M1 is particularly abundant in Ethiopia (20%). From there, frequencies significantly diminish forming decreasing gradients westwards and southwards. It has been proposed that the presence of M1 in Africa and surrounding Mediterranean areas can be explained as result of two expansion centers situated in East and Northwest Africa which are marked by the radiation of subhaplogroups M1a and M1b respectively (Olivieri et al., 2006; González et al., 2007). Although the coalescence age of M1 is Paleolithic it seems that the most important expansions occurred in Neolithic times when the Sahara was a more hospitable region. Some authors consider that the presence of M1 in Africa supports the idea that macrohaplogroup M originated in eastern Africa and was carried towards Asia with the out of Africa expansion (Quintana-Murci et al., 1999), others think that the distribution of M1 in Africa traces an early human backflow to this Continent from Asia (Maca-Meyer et al., 2001; Olivieri et al., 2006; González et al., 2007).
In Arabia, M lineages account for 7% of the total and half of them belong to the M1 African clade. M1 frequencies are significantly greater in western Arabian regions than in the East (Abu-Amero et al., 2008). As the majority of the M1 haplotypes in Arabia belong to the East African M1a subclade, it seems that, likewise L lineages, [b]the M1 presence in the Arabian peninsula signals a predominant East African influence since the Neolithic onwards."
--Vicente M. Cabrera et al. 2009 Cabrera V. et. al (2009). The Arabian Penisula: Gate for Human Migrations Out of Africa or Cul-de-sac? A Mitochondrial DNA Phylogeographic Perspective. IN: Petraglia, D. and Rose J. (eds) (2009) The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia: Paleoenvironments, Prehistory and Genetics. Springer: 2010. pp. 79-87
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Ancient "Middle Easterners" lack the tropical body proportions of ancient Egyptians
QUOTE: "There is long-standing disagreement regarding Upper Pleistocene human evolution in Western Asia, particularly the Levant. Some argue that there were two different populations, perhaps different species, of Upper Pleistocene Levantine hominids. The first, from the Israeli sites of Qafzeh and Skhul, is anatomically modern. The second, from sites such as Amud, Kebara, and Tabun, is archaic, or "Neandertal" in morphology. Others argue that this is a false dichotomy and that all of these hominids belong to a single, highly variable population. In this paper I attempt to resolve this issue by examining postcranial measures reflective of body shape. Results indicate that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids have African-like, or tropically adapted, proportions, while those from Amud, Kebara, Tabun, and Shanidar (Iraq) have more European-like, or cold-adapted, proportions. This suggests that there were in fact two distinct Western Asian populations and that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids were likely African in origin - a result consistent with the "Replacement" model of modern human origins.
What we can say, however, is that in the Holocene, humans from southwest Asia do not exhibit tropically adapted body shape (Crognier 1981; Eveleth and Tanner 1976; Schreider 1975).... "
---Trenton Holliday (2000) Evolution at the Crossroads: Modern Human Emergence in Western Asia. American Anthropologist. New Series, Vol. 102, No. 1, 54-68
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Ancient "Middle Easterners" lack the tropical body proportions of ancient Egyptians
QUOTE: "There is long-standing disagreement regarding Upper Pleistocene human evolution in Western Asia, particularly the Levant. Some argue that there were two different populations, perhaps different species, of Upper Pleistocene Levantine hominids. The first, from the Israeli sites of Qafzeh and Skhul, is anatomically modern. The second, from sites such as Amud, Kebara, and Tabun, is archaic, or "Neandertal" in morphology. Others argue that this is a false dichotomy and that all of these hominids belong to a single, highly variable population. In this paper I attempt to resolve this issue by examining postcranial measures reflective of body shape. Results indicate that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids have African-like, or tropically adapted, proportions, while those from Amud, Kebara, Tabun, and Shanidar (Iraq) have more European-like, or cold-adapted, proportions. This suggests that there were in fact two distinct Western Asian populations and that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids were likely African in origin - a result consistent with the "Replacement" model of modern human origins.
"What we can say, however, is that in the Holocene, humans from southwest Asia do not exhibit tropically adapted body shape (Crognier 1981; Eveleth and Tanner 1976; Schreider 1975). In addition, while Levantine winters today are generally characterized as mild (Henkin et al. 1998), they are nonetheless quite often cold, with frequent snowfall—for example, the winter of 1992 was particularly cold and snowy in Israel (Vishnevetsky and Steinberger 19%). Given that the Holocene is a warm phase, yet recent Levantine humans do not exhibit a tropically adapted morphology, there is little reason to assume that in the (generally colder) Pleistocene epoch, natural selection alone could result in tropically adapted morphology in the region.
Thus, the discovery of tropically adapted hominids in the region would therefore likely indicate population dispersal from the TROPICS, and the most logical geographic source for such an influx is Africa. In this regard, Trinkaus (1981, 1984, 1995) and Ruff (1994) have argued that the high brachial and crural indices, narrow biiliac breadths, and small relative femoral head sizes of the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids suggest an influx of African genes associated with the emergence of modern humans in the region."
---Trenton Holliday (2000) Evolution at the Crossroads: Modern Human Emergence in Western Asia. American Anthropologist. New Series, Vol. 102, No. 1, 54-68
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Emergence of Haplogroup M occurred among dark-skinned tropical peoples – QUOTE:
"Macaulay's research team analyses the Orang Asli, the aboriginal inhabitants of the Malay Penisula, while Thangaraj and colleagues focused on the Andamese islanders, called 'Negritos' (for the characteristic phenotype of dark skin), both groups performing a large number of complete mitochondrial sequences in order to clarify the origin of these populations. They discovered that both Orang Asli and Andaman islanders harboured ancient mtDNA lineages, belonging to the founder haplogroups M, N, and R, with coalescence ages of ~44,000 to ~63,000 years, which were considered the legacy of an early diffusion of modern humans out of Africa. Thus, there was a single rapid out of Africa dispersal (~70,000 years ago) involving a founding group of individuals harbouring the L3 mtDNA haplogroup and starting from the Horn of Africa towards the Persian Gulf and further along the tropical coast of the Indian Ocean to Southeast Asia and Australasia. During this coastal migration, haplogroups M, N and R evolved and the ancestral L3 was lost. Moreover, this scenario is strongly supported by palaeoenvironmental evidence, confirming that a northern migration would have been impossible during the glacial period extending from ~70,000 to 50,000 years ago."
Haplogroup M not found much in Europe or the Middle East, but in Africa, M1 appears - QUOTE.
"The richest basal variation in the founder haplogroups , N and R is found among the southern stretch of Eurasia, particularly in the Indian subcontinent (Figure 1), suggesting a rapid colonization along the southern coast of Asia.. Western Eurasians, in contrast with Southern Asians, eastern Eurasians, and Australasians, have a high level of haplogroup diversity within the haplogroup N and R, but lack haplogroup M also entirely (Figure 1)... Although Haplogroup M differentiated soon after the out of Africa exit and it is widely distributed in Asia (east Asia and India) and Oceania, there is an interesting exception for one of its more than 40 sub-clades: M1.. Indeed this lineage is mainly limited to the African continent with peaks in the Horn of Africa." --Paola Spinozzi, Alessandro Zironi . (2010). Origins as a Paradigm in the Sciences and in the Humanities. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. pp. 48-50
Misleading "Eurasian" label flagged by some scholars - QUOTE: "The historical linguistic data reported earlier would apply in the case of maternal lineages as well.. it is not likely that the "northern" genetic profile is simply due to "Eurasians" having colonized supra-Saharan regions from external African sources. It might be likely that the greater percentage of haplotypes called "Eurasian" are predominantly, although not solely, of indigenous African origin. As a term "Eurasian" is likely misleading, since it suggests a single locale of geographical origins. This is because it can be postulated that differentiation of the L3* haplogroup began before the emigration out of Africa, and that there would be indigenous supra-Saharan/Saharan or Horn-supra-Saharan haplotypes. More work and careful analysis of mtDNA and the archeological data and likely probabilities is needed. Early hunting and gathering paleolithic populations can be modeled as having roamed between northern Africa and Eurasia, leaving an asymmetrical distribution of various derivative variants over a wide region, giving the appearance of Eurasian incursion." --Keita, A, Boyce, A. (2005) Genetics, Egypt, and History... History in Africa, 32, 221-246
“..the M1 presence in the Arabian peninsula signals a predominant East African influence since the Neolithic onwards.“ -- Petraglia, M and Rose, J (2010). The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia:
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Body proportions are immensely stable, and appear distinctly even in the fetal stage of life. Body shape is also more resistant to nutritional deficiency and disease. Even in migrant populations body proportions are conservative, and not very plastic. Hence ancient Egyptian proportions are long-standing, conservative, stable elements that characterize the ancient populations to a much greater extent than more changeable skin color or face shape.
QUOTE:
"Human body proportions also appear to have a substantial genetic component. Differences in body proportions between Eskimos and non-Eskimos, for example, appear early in ontogeny (Guilbeault & Morazain, 1965; Y’Edynak, 1978). The low sitting height/stature ratio of Australian aborigines is present early in development (Eveleth & Tanner, 1976). Schultz (1923, 1926) found significant differences between African–American and Euroamerican fetuses in brachial and crural indices, length of the legs relative to the trunk, and relative pelvic width. The fact that these ‘‘racial’’ features are manifested early in fetal life indicates strong genetic encoding of body and limb proportions.
In addition, body shape in human appears to be more resistant to nutritional deficiency or disease than is body size (Stini, 1975; Eveleth & Tanner, 1976; Frisancho & Housh, 1988; Martorell et al., 1988). Body proportions of human migrants, for example, are conservative; despite often exhibiting a marked increase in stature, children of migrants tend to retain the body proportions of their ancestral homeland, and do not develop the proportions of their new neighbors (Ito, 1942; Lasker, 1946; Trotter & Gleser, 1952, 1958; Greulich, 1957; Eveleth, 1966; Froehlich, 1970; Benoist, 1971, 1975; Hamill et al., 1973; Martorell et al., 1988; Feldesman et al., 1990). Also, while secular trends in body shape have been documented, they do not negate the value of body proportions as short-term phylogenetic markers. For example, in a long-term study of secular trends in body shape in Japan (Tanner et al., 1982), the authors note that nutritional differences alone cannot explain all of the global variability in body shape. Rather, they note that much of the difference seen today in body shape between broad geographic groups is genetically-driven.
Migration within a larger time framework took place ca. 15,000–18,000 BP, when the first Asian populations crossed the Bering Strait, ultimately founding the modern Amerindian population. Despite having as much as 18,000 years of selection in environments as diverse as those found in the Old World, body mass and proportion clines in the Americas are less steep than those in the Old World (Newman, 1953; Roberts, 1978). In fact, as Hulse (1960) pointed out, Amerindians, even in the tropics, tend to possess some ‘‘arctic’’ adaptations. Thus he concluded that it must take more than 15,000 years for modern humans to fully adapt to a new environment (see also Trinkaus, 1992). This suggests that body proportions tend not to be very plastic under natural conditions, and that selective rates on body shape are such that evolution in these features is long-term." --Holliday T. (1997). Body proportions in Late Pleistocene Europe and modern human origins. Jrnl Hum Evo. 32: 423-447
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"Still, it appears that the process of state formation involved a large indigenous component. Outside influence and admixture with extraregional groups primarily occurred in Lower Egypt—perhaps during the later dynastic, but especially in Ptolmaic and Roman times (also Irish, 2006). No large-scale population replacement in the form of a foreign dynastic ‘race’ (Petrie, 1939) was indicated. Our results are generally consistent with those of Zakrzewski (2007). Using craniometric data in predynastic and early dynastic Egyptian samples, she also concluded that state formation was largely an indigenous process with some migration into the region evident. The sources of such migrants have not been identified; inclusion of additional regional and extraregional skeletal samples from various periods would be required for this purpose."
--Further analysis of the population history of ancient Egyptians. Schillaci MA, Irish JD, Wood CC. 2009
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Tropical peoples replaced cold-climate types in Europe
[QUOTE]: "The transition in Europe from Neandertals to “early anatomically modern” (Late Paleolithic) humans 40,000 to 25,000 years ago and subsequent changes in morphology within the latter group, are especially interesting in that they may provide evidence of adaptation following migration to a new climatic zone if these populations were derived from farther south, as suggested by the preponderance of current evidence (Klein 1999). The lack of change between European Early and Late Paleolithic samples in distal-to-proximal limb length proportions (crural and brachial indices) was initially puzzling in this regard because a reduction would have been predicted if climatic adaptation were taking place (Trinkaus 1981).
However, more recent work has shown that relative to measures of trunk (vertebral column) height, limb length did decrease significantly within the Upper Paleolithic in Europe, beginning at proportions similar to those of sub-Saharan Africans and ending at proportions similar to those of modern Europeans (Holliday 1997a).
Comparisons of long bone lengths to bi-iliac breadths in available European Upper Paleolithic specimens (nD15–19, about a third from the Early Upper Paleolithic) also indicate significant reductions in limb length to body breadth between the Early and Late Upper Paleolithic (unpublished results based on data given in Ruff et al. 1997, supplementary information). Thus, body shape did change significantly in Upper Paleolithic Europeans after exposure to colder climatic conditions, although the change was mosaic in nature, beginning with a general reduction in limb lengths followed by a reduction in distal-to-proximal limb element proportions." [ENDQUOTE]:
-- Ruff. C. 2002. Variation in Human Body Size and Shape. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2002. 31:211-32.
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Incoming Neolithic to Europe included clear "sub-Saharan" African elements - Brace 2005
QUOTE: "The assessment of prehistoric and recent human craniofacial dimensions supports the picture documented by genetics that the extension of Neolithic agriculture from the Near East westward to Europe and across North Africa was accomplished by a process of demic diffusion (11–15). If the Late Pleistocene Natufian sample from Israel is the source from which that Neolithic spread was derived, then there was clearly a Sub-Saharan African element present of almost equal importance as the Late Prehistoric Eurasian element. At the same time, the failure of the Neolithic and Bronze Age samples in central and northern Europe to tie to the modern inhabitants supports the suggestion that, while a farming mode of subsistence was spread westward and also north to Crimea and east to Mongolia by actual movement of communities of farmers, the indigenous foragers in each of those areas ultimately absorbed both the agricultural subsistence strategy and also the people who had brought it. The interbreeding of the incoming Neolithic people with the in situ foragers diluted the Sub-Saharan traces that may have come with the Neolithic spread so that no discoverable element of that remained. This picture of a mixture between the incoming farmers and the in situ foragers had originally been supported by the archaeological record alone (6, 9, 33, 34, 48, 49), but this view is now reinforced by the analysis of the skeletal morphology of the people of those areas where prehistoric and recent remains can be metrically compared."
-- Brace, et al. The questionable contribution of the Neolithic and the Bronze Age to European craniofacial form, Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A. 2006 January 3; 103(1): p. 242-247.)
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DIRECT QUOTE: "Thutmose has a much more rounded cranium (than Amenhotep), and prognathism of the maxilla and mandible as well as of the dentition. His skull is most similar to that of Nubians from the ancient cemetaries of Gebel Adda examined by the Michigan expedition. Measurable variables also confirm similarities between Thutmose I and Thutmose II ( Appendix Table A1)"
--Harris and Wente: An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies
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"The period when sub-Saharan Africa was most influential in Egypt was a time when neither Egypt, as we understand it culturally, nor the Sahara, as we understand it geographically, existed. Populations and cultures now found south of the desert roamed far to the north. The culture of Upper Egypt, which became dynastic Egyptian civilization, could fairly be called a Sudanese transplant. Egypt rapidly found a method of disciplining the river, the land, and the people to transform the country into a titanic garden. Egypt rapidly developed detailed cultural forms that dwarfed its forebears in urbanity and elaboration. Thus, when new details arrived, they were rapidly adapted to the vast cultural superstructure already present. On the other hand, pharaonic culture was so bound to its place near the Nile that its huge, interlocked religious, administrative, and formal structures could not be readily transferred to relatively mobile cultures of the desert, savanna, and forest. The influence of the mature pharaonic civilizations of Egypt and Kush was almost confined to their sophisticated trade goods and some significant elements of technology. Nevertheless, the religious substratum of Egypt and Kush was so similar to that of many cultures in southern Sudan today that it remains possible that fundamental elements derived from the two high cultures to the north live on."
-- FROM: "(Egypt and Sub-Saharan Africa: Their Interaction. Encyclopedia of Pre-colonial Africa, by Joseph O. Vogel, AltaMira Press, (1997), pp. 465-472)
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^ LMAO And how does that mummy above not look African??
Also... "Thutmose has a much more rounded cranium (than Amenhotep), and prognathism of the maxilla and mandible as well as of the dentition. His skull is most similar to that of Nubians from the ancient cemetaries of Gebel Adda examined by the Michigan expedition. Measurable variables also confirm similarities between Thutmose I and Thutmose II ( Appendix Table A1)"
--Harris and Wente: An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies
Are you saying these WHITE scientists are Afrocentrics too?! LOLPosts: 26260 | From: Atlanta, Georgia, USA | Registered: Feb 2005
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^Good info. Have you compiled any research papers yourself or published? What's the full citation of the paper above? I may check it out. Are they saying that based on enviro circumstances, the nasal variation intensified? For the Kish population, would it mean that they earlier originated in a warmer clime? Thus ancient Iraqis are distinct from the more modern populations?
----------------------------------------------------------------- misc data from tishkoff..
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Ancient Egyptians pioneered numerous technologies and were not "static" and "unchanging", but show a number of innovations. For example, in addition to the wheel for pottery from very early on, there were pulleys to hand the carcasses of animals to be processed and lathes (Ian Shaw 2003, Ancient Egyptian Materials and technology). Wheeled vehicles from Egypt appear in the record as early as the 13th Dynasty, not as fancy Hyskos chariots but as wheeled sleds. QUOTE:
"Interestingly, earliest representation of wheeled vehicle from Egypt (tomb of Sebeknekht at El Kab, Dynasty XIII) shows sledge, mounted on four disk wheels rather than rollers."
-- Wheeled vehicles and ridden animals in the ancient Near East (1997), By M. A. Littauer, J. H. Crouwel
----------------------------------- Egyptians pioneered in the use of stone, a more difficult material to work with, compared to the mud-brick of Mesopotamia. The massive works of polished granite and limestone show a skill and craftsmanship beyond anything from contemporary Mesopotamia. And that is not even getting into the mathematical, engineering and astronomical knowledge that came with the package. Ramps in raising huge monuments and buildings were a sophisticated adaptation with at least 5 different types of ramps in use to supplement log rollers, ropes and sledges. As one historian notes:
"The Egyptians advanced beyond the Mesopotamians in another area: vaulting. They used the tunnel or barrel vault as their Near Eastern counterparts did, but they added a new style called the corbel vault that creates arches using stones that jut out to support other stones. What this indicates is that Egyptians builders were not determined in their architectural structures by other civilisations or influences. another example of this is the innovative cantilevered beams over the King's Chamber in Giza pyramid. The pent roof distributes weight and stress in a new way. In other words, Egypt had skilful engineers who created new types of architectural supporting systems." --Y.C. Chiu, An introduction to the History of Project Management. 2010
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------------------------------------- "Much earlier forerunners are shown in tomb paintings of the late Old Kingdom and the 11th Dynasty showing siege towers with wheels; depictions of movable siege towers exist from the 6th Dynasty onwards.) This indicates that the wheel was used in the transport if heavy loads more frequently than assumed.. The use of wheeled equipment in building is not yet attested to but may have been fairly common. The soft surface of the desert sand and the mid of the cultivation may have been a serious obstacle for heavy carriages but not so much for sledges."
--The encyclopaedia of ancient Egyptian architecture By Dieter Arnold. 2002. p 195 -------------------------- "In all probability wheels would have been of little practical use, for the building blocks used were far too large and too heavy to be carried on a wooden-wheeled cart. The relative scarcity of wood in ancient Egypt would have made the building of such carts difficult and overcoming the practical and technical difficulties of building carts to carry and move great weights would have probably proved impossible.
Wheels would have been, in any event, a far from practical method of transport on either agricultural land or the desert where they would have become quickly bogged down in either mud or sand."
--R. Partridge. (1996) Transport in ancient Egypt. p76
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The period when sub-Saharan Africa was most influential in Egypt was a time when neither Egypt, as we understand it culturally, nor the Sahara, as we understand it geographically, existed. Populations and cultures now found south of the desert roamed far to the north. The culture of Upper Egypt, which became dynastic Egyptian civilization, could fairly be called a Sudanese transplant. Egypt rapidly found a method of disciplining the river, the land, and the people to transform the country into a titanic garden. Egypt rapidly developed detailed cultural forms that dwarfed its forebears in urbanity and elaboration. Thus, when new details arrived, they were rapidly adapted to the vast cultural superstructure already present. On the other hand, pharaonic culture was so bound to its place near the Nile that its huge, interlocked religious, administrative, and formal structures could not be readily transferred to relatively mobile cultures of the desert, savanna, and forest. The influence of the mature pharaonic civilizations of Egypt and Kush was almost confined to their sophisticated trade goods and some significant elements of technology. Nevertheless, the religious substratum of Egypt and Kush was so similar to that of many cultures in southern Sudan today that it remains possible that fundamental elements derived from the two high cultures to the north live on.--Joseph O. Vogel (1997)
It is possible from this overview of the data to conclude that the limited conceptual vocabulary shared by the ancestors of contemporary Chadic-speakers (therefore also contemporary Cushitic-speakers), contemporary Nilotic-speakers and Ancient Egyptian-speakers suggests that the earliest speakers of the Egyptian language could be located to the south of Upper Egypt (Diakonoff 1998) or, earlier, in the Sahara (Wendorf 2004), where Takács (1999, 47) suggests their ‘long co-existence’ can be found. In addition, it is consistent with this view to suggest that the northern border of their homeland was further than the Wadi Howar proposed by Blench (1999, 2001), which is actually its southern border. Neither Chadics nor Cushitics existed at this time, but their ancestors lived in a homeland further north than the peripheral countries that they inhabited thereafter, to the south-west, in a Niger-Congo environment, and to the south-east, in a Nilo-Saharan environment, where they interacted and innovated in terms of language. From this perspective, the Upper Egyptian cultures were an ancient North East African ‘periphery at the crossroads’, as suggested by Dahl and Hjort-af-Ornas of the Beja (Dahl and Hjort-af-Ornas 2006). The most likely scenario could be this: some of these Saharo-Nubian populations spread southwards to Wadi Howar, Ennedi and Darfur; some stayed in the actual oases where they joined the inhabitants; and others moved towards the Nile, directed by two geographic obstacles, the western Great Sand Sea and the southern Rock Belt. Their slow perambulations led them from the area of Sprinkle Mountain (Gebel Uweinat) to the east – Bir Sahara, Nabta Playa, Gebel Ramlah, and Nekhen/Hierakonpolis (Upper Egypt), and to the north-east by way of Dakhla Oasis to Abydos (Middle Egypt).--Anselin (2009)
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Rigged samples and stacked decks in research on “North Africa”
Fadhlaoui-Zid et’s “North African” study (Mitochondrial DNA Structure in North Africa Reveals a Genetic Discontinuity in the Nile Valley) draws bulk of samples from the Arabized coast near the Mediterranean, excluding most of the Sudan, except for a token sample near the Egyptian border, and excludes Mali, Chad and Niger, even though these areas are classified as “North African” in several physical geography textbooks (Haggett, 2001). Egyptian samples themselves are weighted towards the north. Krings 1999 for example loads northern samples at 63% of the total. The overall weighing of samples is thus biased towards Mediterranean and Arab links.
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More sampling bias in North African research:
QUOTE: "The North African patchy mtDNA landscape has no parallel in other regions of the world and increasing the number of sampled populations has not been accompanied by any substantial increase in our understanding of its phylogeography. Available data up to now rely on sampling small, scattered populations.. It is therefore doubtful that this picture truly represents the complex historical demography of the region rather than being just the result of the type of samplings performed so far." --Cherni (2005) Female gene pools of Berber and Arab neighboring.. Hum Biol. 2005 77(1):61-70.
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African food production and agriculture practices cause polygamy, with corresponding results in Black American family structure, claim assorted biodiversity proponents. "Tropical agriculture" needed all these extra hands, and women provided most of the agricultural labor force, polygamy took hold in African culture, and is thus reflected in Black American culture with its high OOW rates today.
Assorted evidence put forward includes:
A--- The anthropologists Jack Goody and Ester Boserup on how continental differences in raising food affected family structure. Boserup noted in 1970:
"Africa is the region of female farming par excellence. In many African tribes, nearly all the tasks connected with food production continue to be left to women."
B--- and evidence by James Q. Wilson:{quote):
quote:
"In Europe, where animal-drawn plows were used to farm rich land, intensive agriculture made monogamy important… In these places, men did much of the agricultural work …
In much of Africa, by contrast, farming was done by handheld hoes used to work small plots of land that were often rather infertile. Women were widely used to do the hoeing and carry in the produce.
Many husbands found that they could use extra wives to wield even more hoes, and so marrying several women made sense economically… the conditions they describe may have had important consequences for the kinds of families that had to endure the travails of slavery in the Western Hemisphere."
Claims of "important consequences" for black Americans however are weak on several counts, as are claims for the absence of monogamy in Africa:
1- Heavy female participation in African agriculture on tough soils is documented, but is this the PRIMARY cause for polygamy? Many scholars point to other factors such as the high child mortality rate, and whether there was a surplus of females in the populations. Others add more reasons.
Books such as Demography: Analysis and Synthesis, (2005, Caselli et al,) see the chief causes of polygamy as sexual adn reproductive related rather than production/economic oriented. Polygamy they hold allows a man to maximize his offspring, or engage in sexual activity forbidden by certain cultures when a wife is pregnant or nursing a child.
They also note strong political considerations as reasons for polygamy- such as local elites consolidating power and exhibiting prestige over the less powerful. Polygamy also serves to cement alliances between tribes, clans and bloodlines.
In short, while extra female labor to farm may play a part, the main causes of polygamy in Africa may have comparatively little to do with "tropical farming practices." -------------------------------------------------------------------
2-- Furthermore women in both cold-climate Europe and Asia have long had heavy and burdensome involvement in agriculture, contradicting attempts to portray African women as some sort of unique beasts of burden.
European women have long had heavy involvement in European agriculture for centuries, including milking animals, spinning wool, brewing ale, or turning out en masse for the harvests. One study of 1400 England for example found them doing heavy labor, including weeding, mowing, carrying grain, breaking stone for road repair, and driving plough oxen. (M. Mate, Women in medieval English society). Likewise in Asia, Chinese or Korean women were valued and exploited for their ability to engage in the back-breaking work of rice cultivation which required stoop labor to tend crops by hand, even though the plow was in wide use. It all depends what time periods are looked at. In European or Asiatic grain agriculture seasonal cycles such as planting and harvest time saw plenty of female labor deployed. The growth of mechanization in other eras was to also have its effects.
Data from China, even in the modern era AFTER decades of progressive communist rule, still shows women as heavy agricultural beasts of burden, when men monopolizing less demanding agricultural operations.
quote: "where machinery was used it was monopolised by men, and that this frequently made nonsense of the supposed distinction between 'heavy' men's work and 'light' women's work. For example, in one instance, Wolf's assistant came across three people working the fields. One was a man whose task it was to turn the switch to a water pump on and off. As a technician, he earned 10.5 work-points a day. The other two were women in their thirties 'wh were rushing back and forth ditching and damming to keep the water moving evenly through the fields. although the evening was cool, they were sweating with the effort it took to move the heavy waterlogged earth onto the banks of the ditches. They were unskilled workers and earned 6.5 workpoints for their day's labor'. Other reports suggest that through the 1980s and 1990s, in villages in which agricukture continued to be collectively managed, divisions of labour and inequalities in remuneration, such as those cited by Wolf, persisted.. Observing the situation at the chicken farm, however, the researcher felt that the women's work was far from beibg lighter than the men's. Men were responsible for carrying bags of feed on their shoulders, and for using a crushing machine to break up the feed. Meanwhile, it was the women's task to mix the feed and give it to the chickens and collect the eggs. Each day each woman had to collect 1,680 eggs, a task which the researcher estimated woud involve them bending down some 280 times a day."
--Women's work in rural China: change and continuity in an era of reform. Tamara Jacka. 1997
In short, African women have never been the unique continental beasts of burden some make them out to be. -------------------------------------------------------------
3- The claim of "carryover" to Black Americans is dubious. IN fact Black Americans in some eras, have posted BETTER monogamy rates than US Whites, and LOWER rates of illegitimacy than supposed pace-setting Nordic European whites in both the 19th and 20th centuries.
If these "tropical" practices were the cause of US Black family instability, why did black folk for over 50 years after slavery post relatively low out-of-wedlock rates, and post higher marriage rates than whites?
For a period of 50 years, from 1890 to 1940, every US census showed that blacks had higher marriage rates and lower divorce rates than whites. As late as 1960 black illegitimacy stood at only 19%, LOWER than that of today's whites, and LOWER than that of urbanized northern European whites during the 19th century- like the white Irish (posting sometimes a 50% illegitimacy rate in certain US cities, or white Vienna (46%), or white Stockholm (49%). In ultra-white Sweden at the start of the 20th century barely half of Swedish women married and around one-sixth of children were born out of wedlock. (Burns and Scott 1994) --Ailsa Burns, Cath Scott. 1994. Mother-headed families and why they have increased. Routledge. P. 61-84
Fast forwarding to the 20th century, white Northern European patterns are unimpressive. By the year 2000, out of wedlock births had reached 53% of all births- a steep rise from a mere 10% illegitimacy rate in mid century. (A population history of the United States By Herbert S. Klein, Cambridge University Press. 2004. p. 216) Nor are supposedly more virtuous white people of other "Nordic" nations any better. In the early 1980s illegitimacy rates were on the order of 45% in Iceland and Sweden and 40% in Denmark. (Report on Immigrant populations and demographic development in the member states of the Council of Europe. Rinus Penninx, Council of Europe. 1984.) White Australia in the 1980s weighed in at (35%), twice as high as US black rates as late as 1965.
In short, when the historical data is examined, supposedly "more polygamous" blacks posted a better showing than whites on several counts.
4-- Assorted claims re "tropical patterns" fail to explain how non tropical Arabs, Jews and other "Middle Easterners practiced polygamy for millennia and how some still practice it today, and fail to explain how these peoples who strictly subordinated their women from exposure re agricultural work (such as the Muslim "purdah" practices) STILL engaged in widespread polygamy. If the heavy involvement of women in farm work is the cause, why do the Semitic Arabs, who try to keep their women in strict subordination, and who are not out in the fields like the African women, have widespread polygamy, even today in the 21st century? This should not be the case under assorted biodiversity "evolutionary" claims. -------------------------------------------------------------
5- Europe itself has hardly been a shining example of monogamy in action historically. Numerous European peoples practiced polygamy, or its close equivalent, practices suppressed by a religion itself derived from Semitic peoples who practiced polygamy. And ironically, under the new religion, Europeans themselves continued to practice polygamy.
In is known for example that the Emperor Justinian had to legilate against polygamy in his domains in 600AD, an action that should have been hardly necessary in supposed areas of Caucasoid monogamous bliss. And polygamous practices in all but name was for example is well documented in white Europe. Among the Celtic peoples for example: quote:
"In Ireland .. there were various forms of marriage. Ten classes were recognized in the law tract in marriage, of which only nine are explained. The first three are regular marriages.. The others are temporary unions. Comparing a thirteenth-century Welsh list to its eighth-century Irish counterpart, T.M. Charles-Edwards remarks that the "existence of the Welsh list suggests that in many respects the Welsh law of women resembled the Irish until the gradual progress of Christian ideas on marriage caused a fundamental transformation" However, Charles-Edwards continues, "even in the thirteenth century, this transformation was still very incomplete.."
"Marriage and divorce, especially within the several recognized temporary unions, were relatively simple matters, and divorce did not automatically reflect badly on either party.. And this ""ease with which marital union was concluded and the almost equal ease with which it was dissolved," continues RR Davies, goes a long way in explaining the "apparently cavalier attitude toward so-called illegitimate offspring." To complicate matters still further, there is substantial evidence to suggest that concubinage was legally recognized and that there may well have been arrangements which we would now term polygamy and polyandry." --C.W. Sullivan. 1996. The Mabinogi: a book of essays (Garland Medieval Casebooks) .
and
Polygamy was legal among the Celts, with multiple wives recognized. Brehon [Irish law- pre-English conquest 17th Century) law for example -quote- "stipulated that any injury sustained by a second wife in the first day of coming into the household of an established first wife was not a convictable offence."
and
"There were ten classifications of Celtic marriage, each a specific form of contract, including one that was marriage for "a year and a day." --Walking the maze: the enduring presence of Celtic spirit By Loren Cruden. 1998
6-- Africa has always had monogamy, long before the arrival of Europeans, and polygamy has been a clear part of European and Asian culture until very recent times. In the middle East, it is alive and well among Semitic peoples.
Polygamy was more common in Africa than in Europe, but monogamy also has a long history in Africa even before blacks were forcible transported to the US, and before any significant influence from Europe. Of the 31 captives of the famous Amistad slave ship for example, 15 were married, and only 1 was polygamous, and monogamy is common in various parts of Africa. See <i>Slavery in North Carolina, 1748-1775. by Marvin L. Michael Kay, Lorin Lee Cary- pg 160.</i>
Asia has had polygamy for a long time parallel with monogamy, along with things like multiple concubinage, practiced in China. And it was not until 1945 that polygamy was finally abolished in Japan. And people like Jews practiced polygamy for centuries as documented in the Bible and anthropological studies, and for Arabs and those who follow Islam, polygamy is permissible even today.
Indeed while monogamy has been more prevalent in Europe, polygamy has always been a part of European culture until very recent times. Indeed, one of the things Christianity did for Europe was to stamp out and discourage polygamy. Ironically, there is a long tradition of polygamy in white Christianity (see <i>After polygamy was made a sin: the social history of Christian polygamy- By John Cairncross</i>), and polygamy is documented as common in white Russia in various eras. Ironically Christianity itself, based on the religion of a Semitic people from the sub-tropical Middle East, not cold climate areas, was adopted in white Europe, providing the "rules of morality" that helped suppress polygamy (among other things) by Europeans in many regions as Cairncross notes.
7-- Several examples show the continuing influence of polygamy in European culture. One of the most powerful European religions, that of Mormonism, not only practiced polygamy until comparatively recent times, but in its heavenly paradise, polygamy will be practices and recognized. Ironically even Nordic Aryan leader Adolf Hitler at times also had a favorable opinion of polygamy.
Mormon leader Joseph Smith had numerous wives, one only 14 years old, and referred to "spiritual wifery" that would be "sealed" throughout eternity. Polygamyis part and parcel of the Mormon paradise.
quote: : "After death, while their husbands are creating and ruling over planets, the women have the questionable honor of bearing his "spirit children" for eternity. These spirit children descend to their father's planet to inhabit bodies as mortals, who are then ruled over by him. Mormon Doctrine states that these celestially married men and women will live eternally in the family unit and have spirit children, theus becoming Eternal fathers and Eternal Mothers." A man who has multiple wives can beget many more spirit children, making him much more powerful. Mormon men must beget as many children with as many wives as possible, for "their glory (in heaven) is in proportion to the number of their wives and children" (Snowden 11)."
--D. Kirkland. 2008. Mormons and Muslims: A Case of Matching Fingerprints
Other references: Charles W. Penrose, "Mormon" Doctrine Plain and Simple, or Leaves from the Tree of Life, 1897, Salt Lake City, p.66 ("In the case of a man marrying a wife in the everlasting covenant who dies while he continues in the flesh and marries another by the same divine law, each wife will come forth in her order and enter with him into his glory.");
Joseph Fielding Smith, Bruce R. McConkie, ed., Doctrines of Salvation, 1956, vol. 2, p. 67 (Smith, who was sealed to two different women, stated, "[M]y wives will be mine in the eternity.");
Harold B. Lee, Deseret News 1974 Church Almanac, p. 17 ("My lovely Joan was sent to me: So Joan joins Fern/That three might be, more fitted for eternity./'O Heavenly Father, my thanks to thee'.").
And a mere 70 or so years ago, "Aryan" Nazi German itself was encouraging polygamy. QUOTE:
"Although monogamy was the official marriage from of Nazi Germany, the society in effect, turned toward polygamy because Aryan males were encouraged to beget Aryan children with as many racially qualified women as possible- in and out of wedlock."
--Young-Bruehl (2002) The anatomy of prejudices).
According to The Fuherer in his own words"
"Let's remember that after the Thirty Years War polygamy was tolerated, so that it was thanks to the illegitimate child that the nations recovered its strength."
And lamenting those Rhine maidens that have never known man, the Fuherer further argues:
"As long as we have in Germany two and a half million women vowed to celibacy, we shall be forbidden to despise the child born out of wedlock." --L. Pine, 1999, Nazi family Policy
Curiously, according to one book, a number of white Mormons following their practice of prayers for dead and eternal marriage have interceded for Hitler and Eva Braun: --quote--
"Adding insult to injury, zealous Mormons also stood proxy for Adolf Hitler's and Eva Braun's baptisms and eternal marriage. If the prospect of meeting Hitler as a god in eternity rankles the sensitivities of most non-Mormons, imagine the impact of such an idea on a Jew." ( --LaTayne Scott. 2010. The Mormon Mirage: A Former Member Looks at the Mormon Church Today)
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Monogamy quite common in Africa, and among arriving black slaves in the United States
DATA:
QUOTE: "For slaves however, monogamous marriages represented something more than succumbing to the demands of demography, plantation discipline and the values of masters. To understand this requires a closer look at African marriage patterns. Once again, the testimony of the Amistad slaves in valuable. . Sixteen or the thirty-six interviewed Amistad mutineers were married, and of these only one, Fabanna, a middle-aged Mende slave, was polygamous... Testimony concerning martial practices in eighteenth-century Sierra Leone corroborates the Amistad evidence.
An English trader in 1788 reported that "tho polygamy is allowed in ye Country it is practiced only by the rich." Such data stress a point long obvious to anthropologists; wherever polygamy has been or is the "preferred" marital form, monogamy is acceptable and probably common because of limits imposed by demographic and economic factors. Slaves coming from Africa, then, had experiences encompassing both polygamy and monogamy and thus need not have relied on their master' example to institute monogamy, Indeed, most male slave imports, normally young adults who had not had time to accumulate much wealth, had practiced only monogamy in Africa prior to capture. When confronted by the severely limiting demographic and social conditions in America, they tended to replicate their monogamous but not their polygamous tribal experiences. Owners in the southern mainland simply reinforced this tendency.
Albermarle Sound slaveowners, Brickell observed, became involved in the martial arrangements of their slaves only to give permission for such unions or when no children had been born within a year. In the latter case planters might "oblige" slave women "to take a second, third, fourth, fifth, or more Husbands or Bed Fellows; a fruitful Woman amongst them being very much valued by the Planters, and a numerous Issue esteemed the greatest Riches in this Country."
{{ENDQUOTE}} --Marvin L. Michael Kay, Lorin Lee Cary. (1999) Slavery in North Carolina, 1748-1775. 160-161
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Nazlet Khater man, one of the earliest modern human specimens found in Egypt, clusters with nearby tropical Africans.
QUOTE: Thoma concludes that the Nazlet Khater specimen is:
(a) indisputably anatomically modern with certain archaic characteristics; (b) related to the Nubian Epipaleolithic skeletal series from Wadi Halfa and Jebel Sahaba; and (c) displays Negroid characteristics such as alveolar prognathism and sub-nasal fossa."
"The results obtained from the multivariate analyses performed in this study suggest: .. a sub-Saharan origin for the Nazlet-Khater population type..
The specimen is clearly not associated with any other North African or Levantine finds.. "
--P. Vermeersch 2002. Paleolithic quarrying sites
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Tropical climates are extremely diverse – from humid rainforest, to higher altitude cold zones, to arid deserts with sharply dropping night temperatures. Scientists find that nose width is correlated with climate – with narrower noses seen in dry, conditions such as desert areas in eastern parts of Africa.
QUOTE: "Tropical climates range from oppressively hot and humid lowlands to cold, snow-covered mountains, from hot, dry deserts to cold, dry deserts, from extreme seasonal variability of precipitation to nearly constant year-round conditions." --Huston. M. (1994) Biological diversity: the coexistence of species on changing landscapes Cambridge university Press. p 498
QUOTE: "An important function of the nose is to warm and moisten inspired air. When air is exhaled, some heat and moisture are lost to the surroundings. The longer the nasal passage, the more efficient the nose is for warming and moistening incoming air and also the less heat and moisture are lost on exhalation. A narrow, high nose gives a longer nasal passage than a low, broad nose. Therefore, in cold or dry conditions, a high, narrow nose is preferable for warming and moistening air before it reaches the lings, and for reducing loss of heat and moisture in expired air. In hot, humid conditions a low, broad nose serves to dissipate heat (Wolpoff 1968; Franciscis and Long 1991)... The pattern of variation in nasal index corresponds very broadly to that expected if nasal form is indeed an adaptation to regional climate. The highest nasal index values, representing broad, low noses, tend to be those of populations in humid tropical regions of Africa and south-east Asia. Populations with low mean nasal indices (high, narrow noses) tend to be found in the cold, northern latitudes, and also in arid regions, such as the desert areas of east Africa and the Arabian peninsula.
..Davies found the nasal index taken in the living was closely correlated with skeletal nasal index. This suggests that there should likewise be an association between skeletal nasal index and climatic zone, and indeed other workers have found this to be the case.“ -- Mays. S. (2010). The Archaeology of Human Bones. Pg 100-101
2011 study finds significant correlation between nasal shape and climate. Dry areas are common in tropical zone micro-climates such as deserts.
QUOTE: “"The nasal cavity is essential for humidifying and warming the air before it reaches the sensitive lungs. Because humans inhabit environments that can be seen as extreme from the perspective of respiratory function, nasal cavity shape is expected to show climatic adaptation.. We report significant correlations between nasal cavity shape and climatic variables of both temperature and humidity. Variation in nasal cavity shape is correlated with a cline from cold-dry climates to hot-humid climates, with a separate temperature and vapor pressure effect. " -- Noback, M. et al. (2011) Climate-related variation of the human nasal cavity. AJPA, 145: 4. 599-614
Broad noses can be functional in cold areas under certain circumstances as Neanderthals show
QUOTE: "..Neanderthals and and their predecessors survived for tens of thousands of years in the variable climates of Europe, in which fully glacials only took up a small part of the time, and predominantly in southerly latitudes.."
Others maintain that a broad nose could help with not merely cold but ARID conditions as well, so cold is not the only factor. A large protruding nose could warm air entering the lungs, or - quote: "others have suggested that the Neanderthal nose may have been a means of losing heat generated by a very active lifestyle.."
Others "concluded that it must have been adapted to the peripheries of hot, humid regions, perhaps even subtropical to moderate biotopes."
See: (--Neanderthals and modern humans: an ecological and evolutionary perspectiveBy Clive Finlayson, 2004).
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Egyptian writing distinctly African development per conservative Egyptologist Frank Yurco {QUOTE}
"Vestigial traces of the dynastic race theory still linger in the writings of some scholars, who hint at a "Mesopotamian stimulus" to Egyptian culture through writing or other cultural aspects. But it has now been definitely shown that Mesopotamian writing arose from clay tokens used in early invoices for livestock transshipments (Schmandt-Besserat 1992, 1-13, 93-1298, 120-65, 184-99). Later, indeed scribes in Mesopotamia predominated in the temple and palace economies; but kings and royalty were rarely literate. In Egypt, by contrast, writing arose from the deisre of early chieftains and kings to commemorate their deeds and accomplishments (Arnett 1982; Hassan 1983, 1, 7-8; Williams and Logan 1987, 245-85). Its roots lay in the painted buffware of Naqada II, whose totemic emblems for divinities show forms recognizable in later hieroglyphic script (hoffman 1991, 31, fig. 7; Arnett 1982).
Thus Egyptian and Mesopotamian writing systems have totally disparate origins. In later Egyptian Dynastic times literacy extended from the top of society downward. Egyptian kings and royalty had to be literacy- in sharp contrast to those in Mesopotamia - and the bureaucracy that arose around the early Dynastic rulers encouraged in spread of writing, as did the religious needs of lower-ranked Egyptians (Baines 1983; Ray 1986). A scribal class evolved from the Archaic Period to the Old Kingdom, basically as account keepers for the elite and as bureaucrats for the government's taxing and documentary functions. During all periods the means of social advancement to the elite was through literacy (Baines 1983). The ancient Egyptian writing system was therefore a distinctly African development, and the evidence for this does indeed contradict some of the diffusionist reasoning that grew out of the Aryan Model, as well as the prominent position ascribed to Mesopotamian influence." {ENDQUOTE}
-- Yurco, F "An Egyptological Review" IN Mary R. Lefkowitz and Guy MacLean Rogers, Black Athena Revisited, 1996, Univ of North Carolina Press, p. 62-100
Lefkowitz and Maclean 1996. Black Athena Revisited yurco egyptological review
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quote:Originally posted by zarahan- aka Enrique Cardova: African food production and agriculture practices cause polygamy, with corresponding results in Black American family structure, claim assorted biodiversity proponents. "Tropical agriculture" needed all these extra hands, and women provided most of the agricultural labor force, polygamy took hold in African culture, and is thus reflected in Black American culture with its high OOW rates today.
Which author made this ridiculous claim and associated study?? It's true that some cultures in Africa that are based on plantation style farming implemented polygamy to have more hands to work these farms, but what the hell does any of this have to do with the trend of out of wedlock births in the African American community today with its negative effects, especially considering that just several generations ago such a trend was extremely low?!
This sounds like more leftist crap that seeks to destroy minority families, especially black families. For example during the 60s many leftist feminists tried to use the African traditions of matriarchy in their distorted view to suggest black women didn't need men to raise families and look what happened!
Posts: 26260 | From: Atlanta, Georgia, USA | Registered: Feb 2005
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quote:Originally posted by Djehuti: [QUOTE]Which author made this ridiculous claim and associated study?? It's true that some cultures in Africa that are based on plantation style farming implemented polygamy to have more hands to work these farms, but what the hell does any of this have to do with the trend of out of wedlock births in the African American community today with its negative effects, especially considering that just several generations ago such a trend was extremely low?!
This sounds like more leftist crap that seeks to destroy minority families, especially black families. For example during the 60s many leftist feminists tried to use the African traditions of matriarchy in their distorted view to suggest black women didn't need men to raise families and look what happened!
^^Its not only leftists, but "biodiversity" types like Steve Sailer and racists like Jared Taylor. But when their claims are examined, they simply don't hold up, nor is their notion of alleged white European virtue.
And the record of white European "role models" is far from impressive as regards child care. Indeed ruthless abandonment of children was a practice common in white medieval Europe, but it is often not talked about by "Caucasoid" historians.
Scholarly works such as Milner 2000 (Milner, Larry S. (2000). Hardness of Heart / Hardness of Life: The Stain of Human Infanticide') and many others give many of the gory details of the activities of these allegedly virtuous white "role models." Asian societies like China for example historically carried out massive amounts of sex selective infanticide. In "Caucasoid" India, female infanticide of newborn girls was systematic in many areas, including tossing children into the Ganges River as a sacrificial offering. Among supposedly more moral and virtuous Caucasoid Europeans, killing of children was common.
In ancient Sardinia, three thousand bones of young children, with evidence of sacrificial rituals, have been found there. Among supposedly more virtuous Caucasoid stocks in Southwest Asia or the "Middle East", child sacrifices to their goddess Ishtar was routine, and among some Caucasoid tribes of what is now Greece, every 10th child was killed as sacrifice in difficult economic times. In Caucasoid Carthage, child sacrifice according to Milner, "reached its infamous zenith," with infants and young children burned in fire or roasted alive in hot bronze. One archeological excavations yielded 20,000 charred remains of young children (packed in urns). The Bible mentions such sacrifice among the Caucasoid Phoenicians at a site called Topeth. (Brown, Shelby (1991). Late Carthaginian Child Sacrifice and Sacrificial Monuments in their Mediterranean Context.)
In Caucasoid Greece, the exposure of unwanted newborns was not uncommon, especially among the noble Spartans. In Caucasoid Rome, infanticide was common, despite laws on the books. Indeed Philo the Philosopher speaks out against it, noting the casual nature with which it was carried out by the Romans. Offenders were rarely prosecuted under Roman law, and said law allowed killing of Caucasoid newborns if they were visibly deformed. (Naphtali, Lewis, ed (1985). "Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 744". Life in Egypt Under Roman Rule). Indeed Rome was founded by near victims of infanticide- the legendary Romulus and Remus.
Among the ancient Caucasoid Germanic tribes, the practice was not unknown, and unwanted children were liquidated in the forests. Archeological data shows the burnt bones of children, disposed of as child sacrifice in ancient Britain. (Boswell, John (1988). The Kindness of Strangers. NY: Vintage Books).
In Caucasoid Europe of the Middle Ages, one scholar (Langer 2000) notes that infanticide "was practiced on gigantic scale with absolute impunity, noticed by writers with most frigid indifference". At the end of the 12th century, notes Richard Trexler, Roman women threw their newborns into the Tiber river in daylight. (Langer, William L. (1974). "Infanticide: a historical survey". History of Childhood Quarterly 1 (3): 353–366. -- Trexler, Richard (1973). "Infanticide in Florence: new sources and first results". History of Childhood quarterly 1: 99.)
In Caucasoid Russia child sacrifice was offered to the pagan god Perun, who was worshipped as the god of lightning and thunder, and in Kamchatka, children were tossed to dogs to be eaten alive. (Russia in the era of NEP: explorations in Soviet society and culture - Page 201. 1991. Sheila Fitzpatrick, Alexander Rabinowitch, Richard Stites) -------------------------------------------
By contrast with the supposedly more virtuous and moral Caucasoids and Asiatics above, Africa has the lowest incidence of infanticide historically. As scholar Milner notes: QUOTE:
"Africa has been reported to have a lower incidence of infanticide than all of the other continents." --Milner, L.S. (2000). Hardness of Heart / Hardness of Life: the stain of infanticide. University Press. p. 160
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even in ancient Egypt, the indigenous African valued chilren’s lives more than European or Middle Eastern “role models”
Infanticide did occur in Africa but to a much saller, much less extent that allegedly more virtuous cold Caucasoid or Asiatic “role models.” Ancient Egypt, which was fundamentally populated by peoples with tropical limb proportions from south of the Sahara, is no exception (Zakrewski 2007, Keita 1992, 2005, 2008, Raxter and Ruff 2008 et al). In Egyptian households, at all social levels, children of both sexes were valued and there is no evidence of infanticide.[14] The religion of the Ancient Egyptians forbade infanticide and during the Greco-Roman period they rescued abandoned babies from manure heaps, a common method of infanticide by Greeks or Romans, and were allowed to either adopt them as foundlings or raise them as slaves, often giving them names such as "copro -" to memorialise their rescue.[15] Strabo considered it a peculiarity of the Egyptians that every child must be reared.[16] Diodorus indicates infanticide was a punishable offence by the Egyptians.[17]
Yet other scholars note very high mortality rates even when abandoned children were taken in my monastery or church- with dismal conditions quote
"when infants left at the doors of the hospital 'in a poor and piteous state.. in great danger of being devoured by pigs and other beasts.. [and dying] for want of human milk.' Infants shared rooms with the sick and as many a s a dozen children sometimes slept in one bed. The children usually died within eight to fifteen days." --Abandoned children: foundlings and child welfare in nineteenth-century France. By Rachel Ginnis Fuchs
Nor is this pattern of child abuse confined to medieval Europe. It appears among white populations in urban America. In the 1800s there were tens of thousands of abandoned white children sleeping on open streets in places like New York or Boston (sowell 1981).
The same pattern continued down to the present day- with white women leading all others in rates of abortion. Two out of three babies in white Russia for example are aborted by supposedly more caring white "role models." (Loveless and Holman 2006). --------------------
And European fatherhood was hardly the more "caring" or "involved" picture "biodiversity" types would have us believe. In fact they were rather distant from their children: quote- "Medieval fatherhood however, did not mean participating continuously in the upbringing of a child. Mothers and servants commonly took the lead role in childrearing. .. But father/son companionship bonding is not a prominent theme in literary sources. Fathers may be proud of their sons, but they do not play a major role in their formation. It was a fact of patrilineal reproduction, rather than the relationship with a son, that contributed to medieval manhood." -- From boys to men: formations of masculinity in late medieval Europe By Ruth Mazo Karras
^Hardly the picture of sterling white role model fathers "bonding" with their children, or involved in their lives..
In short, when “biodiversity” claims of supposed white virtue are put to the test, said claims reveal whites to be dubious exemplars of moral worth or virtue. In fact, the historical record often indicates the opposite.
WHen they try to apply supposed “African” patterns to explain various socio-economic conditions among US blacks their claims are also dubious. Between 1890 and 1950 for example, every census shows US blacks posting higher marriage rates and lower divorce rates than US whites (Sowell 2005), an “impossible” outcome if alleged “African polygamy patterns” were supposedly so dominant.
If these "African" practices were the cause of US Black family instability, why did black folk for over 50 years after slavery post relatively low out-of-wedlock rates, and post higher marriage rates than whites? In very US census between 1890 and 1940 for example blacks posted higher marriage rates than whites. The black OOW rate as late as 1960 weighed in at 19%, less than that of today ' s US whites, and much less than the OOW rates for supposedly more virtuous Nordics in various areas of the 19th century (white Vienna -46%, or white Stockholm -49% for example), or contemporary Nordics (45% Iceland and Sweden or 40% Dennmark in the 1980s), and much lower than the 50% OOW rates posted in heavily white Irish areas in the 19th century.
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^ LOL Reminds me of how Greek travelers were shocked to see Egyptian parents keep and raise children born with deformities or disabilities. So unlike the eugenic tradition in Greece where such children were left abandoned to die of exposure since the Greeks valued "perfection" among their children than the actual life.
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^ LOL Reminds me of how Greek travelers were shocked to see Egyptian parents keep and raise children born with deformities or disabilities. So unlike the eugenic tradition in Greece where such children were left abandoned to die of exposure since the Greeks valued "perfection" among their children than the actual life.
^^Indeed.
"Although the eldest child was normally raised regardless of its sex, some historians have conjectured that as many as 20 percent of newborn Athenian girls were abandoned in places like the local garbage dump. Slave dealers collected a few of the exposed infants and turned them over to wet nurses to be raised and sold as slaves. Most exposed infants, however, died, and exposure quickly became infanticide." -p234
"The Spartan lifestyle exacerbated the population decline. Sparta was the only Greek state in which male infanticide was institutionalized.." p147
FROM: -- Sarah B. Pomeroy. 1999. Ancient Greece: a political, social, and cultural history.
-------------------- Note: I am not an "Egyptologist" as claimed by some still bitter, defeated, trolls creating fake profiles and posts elsewhere. Hapless losers, you still fail. My output of hard data debunking racist nonsense has actually INCREASED since you began.. Posts: 5905 | From: The Hammer | Registered: Aug 2008
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-------------------- Note: I am not an "Egyptologist" as claimed by some still bitter, defeated, trolls creating fake profiles and posts elsewhere. Hapless losers, you still fail. My output of hard data debunking racist nonsense has actually INCREASED since you began.. Posts: 5905 | From: The Hammer | Registered: Aug 2008
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-------------------- Note: I am not an "Egyptologist" as claimed by some still bitter, defeated, trolls creating fake profiles and posts elsewhere. Hapless losers, you still fail. My output of hard data debunking racist nonsense has actually INCREASED since you began.. Posts: 5905 | From: The Hammer | Registered: Aug 2008
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Sudanic inheritances of Ancient Egypt - Vogel
QUOTE:
"The period when sub-Saharan Africa was most influential in Egypt was a time when neither Egypt, as we understand it culturally, nor the Sahara, as we understand it geographically, existed. Populations and cultures now found south of the desert roamed far to the north. The culture of Upper Egypt, which became dynastic Egyptian civilization, could fairly be called a Sudanese transplant. Egypt rapidly found a method of disciplining the river, the land, and the people to transform the country into a titanic garden. Egypt rapidly developed detailed cultural forms that dwarfed its forebears in urbanity and elaboration. Thus, when new details arrived, they were rapidly adapted to the vast cultural superstructure already present. On the other hand, pharaonic culture was so bound to its place near the Nile that its huge, interlocked religious, administrative, and formal structures could not be readily transferred to relatively mobile cultures of the desert, savanna, and forest. The influence of the mature pharaonic civilizations of Egypt and Kush was almost confined to their sophisticated trade goods and some significant elements of technology. Nevertheless, the religious substratum of Egypt and Kush was so similar to that of many cultures in southern Sudan today that it remains possible that fundamental elements derived from the two high cultures to the north live on."
-- FROM: "(Egypt and Sub-Saharan Africa: Their Interaction. Encyclopedia of Pre-colonial Africa, by Joseph O. Vogel, AltaMira Press, (1997), pp. 465-472)
"Homegrown" Ancient Egyptian technology -far from "unchanging" or "static"
Ancient Egyptians pioneered numerous technologies and were not "static" and "unchanging", but show a number of innovations. For example, in addition to the wheel for pottery from very early on, there were pulleys to hand the carcasses of animals to be processed and lathes (Ian Shaw 2003, Ancient Egyptian Materials and technology). Wheeled vehicles from Egypt appear in the record as early as the 13th Dynasty, not as fancy Hyskos chariots but as wheeled sleds. QUOTE:
"Interestingly, earliest representation of wheeled vehicle from Egypt (tomb of Sebeknekht at El Kab, Dynasty XIII) shows sledge, mounted on four disk wheels rather than rollers."
-- Wheeled vehicles and ridden animals in the ancient Near East (1997), By M. A. Littauer, J. H. Crouwel
-------------------------------------
Use of the wheel in the Nile Valley- more data
"Much earlier forerunners are shown in tomb paintings of the late Old Kingdom and the 11th Dynasty showing siege towers with wheels; depictions of movable siege towers exist from the 6th Dynasty onwards.) This indicates that the wheel was used in the transport if heavy loads more frequently than assumed.. The use of wheeled equipment in building is not yet attested to but may have been fairly common. The soft surface of the desert sand and the mid of the cultivation may have been a serious obstacle for heavy carriages but not so much for sledges."
--The encyclopaedia of ancient Egyptian architecture By Dieter Arnold. 2002. p 195 --------------------------
"In all probability wheels would have been of little practical use, for the building blocks used were far too large and too heavy to be carried on a wooden-wheeled cart. The relative scarcity of wood in ancient Egypt would have made the building of such carts difficult and overcoming the practical and technical difficulties of building carts to carry and move great weights would have probably proved impossible.
Wheels would have been, in any event, a far from practical method of transport on either agricultural land or the desert where they would have become quickly bogged down in either mud or sand."
--R. Partridge. (1996) Transport in ancient Egypt. p76 ---------------------------------------------------------------
CHANGING INNOVATIONS IN BUILDING CK TECHNOLOGY Egyptians pioneered in the use of stone, a more difficult material to work with, compared to the mud-brick of Mesopotamia. The massive works of polished granite and limestone show a skill and craftsmanship beyond anything from contemporary Mesopotamia. And that is not even getting into the mathematical, engineering and astronomical knowledge that came with the package. Ramps in raising huge monuments and buildings were a sophisticated adaptation with at least 5 different types of ramps in use to supplement log rollers, ropes and sledges. As one historian notes:
"The Egyptians advanced beyond the Mesopotamians in another area: vaulting. They used the tunnel or barrel vault as their Near Eastern counterparts did, but they added a new style called the corbel vault that creates arches using stones that jut out to support other stones. What this indicates is that Egyptians builders were not determined in their architectural structures by other civilisations or influences. another example of this is the innovative cantilevered beams over the King's Chamber in Giza pyramid. The pent roof distributes weight and stress in a new way. In other words, Egypt had skilful engineers who created new types of architectural supporting systems."
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DATA FROM THE BOOK: Sticks, stones, and shadows: building the Egyptian pyramids[/b]
QUOTE:
"Discoveries by Gunter Dreyer of the German Archaeological Institute suggest that the origin of Egyptian writing needs to be reexamined, offering the possibility that the idea of writing was developed in Egypt several centuries before it occurred in the Near East. Inscriptions from hundreds of pots and labels found at the royal cemetery at Abydos show some hieroglyphic writing as far back as 3400 BCE, with most occurring about 3200 BCE. Sumerian writing seems to have begun about 3100 BCE. The Egyptians formed and used writing in a different way than the Asians. The linguistic pictographs of Sumer were rudimentary were used primarily used for commerce. Those of Egypt were more representational of real objects and were primarily employed to identify kings, tombs and the like.
A remarkable find involving early experiments with alphabetic writing in Egypt has been recently made by John C. Darnell, an Egyptologist at Yale University, and his wife Deborah. Inscriptions discovered in the limestone cliffs on an ancient road between Thebes and Abydos, a route once heavily traveled by Asian traders and mercenaries in the Egyptian desert, are in a Semitic script with Egyptian influences. Dated between 1900 and 1000 BCE, they are two or three centuries older than previous evidence of an alphabet in the Semitic-speaking territory of the Sinai Peninsula or in the Syria-Palestine region occupied by the Canaanites. While there have always been indications that Semites were inventors of the alphabet, researchers had heretofore assumed that it was developed in their own lands by borrowing and simplifying Egyptian hieroglyphs. Instead Darnell's discovery now suggests that, working with Semitic speakers in Egypt, native scribes simplified formal pictographic Egyptian writing and modified the symbols into an early alphabet using a semi-cursive form commonly used in the Middle Kingdom."
ENDQUOTE- from: --Martin Isler (2001). Sticks, stones, and shadows: building the Egyptian pyramids. Univ of Oklahoma PRess. p. 56
MORE DATA FROM THE BOOK "LANGUAGE VISIBLE" - INSPIRATION FOR MODERN ALPHABET FLOWED FROM EGYPT
"For the rest of the 20th century, at least through the year 1999, books and articles on the early alphabet took their cur from the Canaanite evidence. Your local library has a whole shelf of books containing the theory that the alphabet was invented in the Levant, around 1700B.C. Yes, it was inspired partly by Egyptian hieroglyphics (the theory allows), but the inventors were looking at imported Egyptian scrolls and artwork...
By 1998, Darnell and others had reached a couple of dramatic conclusions. First, the two inscriptions are probably the oldest alphabetic writing yet discovered, certainly the oldest that can be dated confidently: They were carved in about 1800 B.C., give or take a century. More important, the inscriptions can be viewed as signposts that point directly back to the alphabet's invention. On the basis of the Wadi el-Hol evidence, that invention is now assigned to around 2000 B.C. in Egypt - about three centuries earlier (and in a different country) than previously thought. "Finds in Egypt Date Alphabet in Earlier Era.: announced the front-page New York Times headline of a November 1999 piece reporting on the work.
The evidence is in the letter shapes, Darnell explains. Study has confirmed that every letter of the two inscriptions is copied from some preexisting symbol in Egyptian rock-writing and/or hieroglyphics. This is where the inventors and early users of the alphabet found their letter shapes.
Certain Wadi el-Hol letter shapes suggest a particular moment in time when that copying occurred. We know enough about Egyptian rock writing to track the evolution of its symbols, and several Wadi el-Hol letters clearly reflect Egyptian symbol forms of the early, Middle Kingdom, around 2000 B.C. Yet the Wadi el-Hol writing preserves letter shapes bequeathed from the alphabet's invention, around 2000 B.C."
"Who were the inventors? Darnell believes they may have been in the Egyptian army: Semitic mercenaries or similar, whom the Egyptians would have called Amu (Asiatics). These peoples were illiterate originally. But the army that they joined happened to have a vigorous writing method for themselves. Perhaps the inventors were junior officers among the Amu, individuals who had learned some standard Egyptian rock-writing and were able to work from there. Perhaps, Darnell theorizes, they got help from Egyptian army scribes, who sought to improve the foreigner’s organization with the gift of literacy.
As to who might have carved the two Wadi el-Hol inscriptions, same answer as above. Not the inventors themselves, of course, but their great-great-great-grandnephews, serving in Egypt’s camel corps. It was the army that did most of the writing along desert roads."
ENDQUOTE- from:
--David Sacks (2003). Language visible: unraveling the mystery of the alphabet from A to Z. Random House. pp. 34-37
Finds in Egypt Date Alphabet In Earlier Era By JOHN NOBLE WILFORD Published: November 14, 1999
On the track of an ancient road in the desert west of the Nile, where soldiers, couriers and traders once traveled from Thebes to Abydos, Egyptologists have found limestone inscriptions that they say are the earliest known examples of alphabetic writing.
Their discovery is expected to help fix the time and place for the origin of the alphabet, one of the foremost innovations of civilization.
Carved in the cliffs of soft stone, the writing, in a Semitic script with Egyptian influences, has been dated to somewhere between 1900 and 1800 B.C., two or three centuries earlier than previously recognized uses of a nascent alphabet. The first experiments with alphabet thus appeared to be the work of Semitic people living deep in Egypt, not in their homelands in the Syria-Palestine region, as had been thought.
Although the two inscriptions have yet to be translated, other evidence at the discovery site supports the idea of the alphabet as an invention by workaday people that simplified and democratized writing, freeing it from the elite hands of official scribes. As such, alphabetic writing was revolutionary in a sense comparable to the invention of the printing press much later.
Alphabetic writing emerged as a kind of shorthand by which fewer than 30 symbols, each one representing a single sound, could be combined to form words for a wide variety of ideas and things. This eventually replaced writing systems like Egyptian hieroglyphics in which hundreds of pictographs, or idea pictures, had to be mastered.
''These are the earliest alphabetic inscriptions, considerably earlier than anyone had thought likely,'' Dr. John Coleman Darnell, an Egyptologist at Yale University, said last week in an interview about the discovery.
''They seem to provide us with evidence to tell us when the alphabet itself was invented, and just how.''
Dr. Darnell and his wife, Deborah, a Ph.D. student in Egyptology, made the find while conducting a survey of ancient travel routes in the desert of southern Egypt, across from the royal city of Thebes and beyond the pharaohs' tombs in the Valley of the Kings. In the 1993-94 season, they came upon walls of limestone marked with graffiti at the forlorn Wadi el-Hol, roughly translated as Gulch of Terror.
Last summer, the Darnells returned to the wadi with several specialists in early writing. A report on their findings will be given in Boston on Nov. 22 at a meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature.
Working in the baking June heat ''about as far out in the middle of nowhere as I ever want to be,'' Dr. Bruce Zuckerman, director of the West Semitic Research Project at the University of Southern California, assisted the investigation by taking detailed pictures of the inscriptions for analysis using computerized photointerpretation techniques. ''This is fresh meat for the alphabet people,'' he said.
''Because of the early date of the two inscriptions and the place they were found,'' said Dr. P. Kyle McCarter Jr., a professor of Near Eastern studies at Johns Hopkins University. ''it forces us to reconsider a lot of questions having to do with the early history of the alphabet. Things I wrote only two years ago I now consider out of date.''
Dr. Frank M. Cross, an emeritus professor of Near Eastern languages and culture at Harvard University, who was not a member of the research team but who has examined the evidence, judged the inscriptions ''clearly the oldest of alphabetic writing and very important.'' He said that enough of the symbols in the inscriptions were identical or similar to later Semitic alphabetic writing to conclude that ''this belongs to a single evolution of the alphabet.''
The previously oldest evidence for an alphabet, dated about 1600 B.C., was found near or in Semitic-speaking territory, in the Sinai Peninsula and farther north in the Syria-Palestine region occupied by the ancient Canaanites. These examples, known as Proto-Sinaitic and Proto-Canaanite alphabetic inscriptions, were the basis for scholars' assuming that Semites developed the alphabet by borrowing and simplifying Egyptian hieroglyphs, but doing this in their own lands and not in Egypt itself.
From other, nonalphabetic writing at the site, the Egyptologists determined that the inscriptions were made during Egypt's Middle Kingdom in the first two centuries of the second millennium B.C. And another discovery in June by the Darnells seemed to establish the presence of Semitic people at the wadi at the time of the inscriptions.
Surveying a few hundred yards from the site, the Darnells found an inscription in nonalphabetic Egyptian that started with the name of a certain Bebi, who called himself ''general of the Asiatics.'' This was a term used for nearly all foreigners, most of whom were Semites, and many of them served as mercenary soldiers for Egyptian rulers at a time of raging civil strife or came as miners and merchants. Another reference to this Bebi has been found in papyrus records.
''This gives us 99.9 percent certainty,'' Dr. Darnell said of the conclusion that early alphabetic writing was developed by Semitic-speaking people in an Egyptian context. He surmised that scribes in the troops of mercenaries probably developed the simplified writing along the lines of a semicursive form of Egyptian commonly used in the Middle Kingdom in graffiti. Working with Semitic speakers, the scribes simplified the pictographs of formal writing and modified the symbols into an early form of alphabet.
''It was the accidental genius of these Semitic people who were at first illiterate, living in a very literate society,'' Dr. McCarter said, interpreting how the alphabet may have arisen. ''Only a scribe trained over a lifetime could handle the many different types of signs in the formal writing. So these people adopted a crude system of writing within the Egyptian system, something they could learn in hours, instead of a lifetime. It was a utilitarian invention for soldiers, traders, merchants.''
The scholars who have examined the short Wadi el-Hol inscriptions are having trouble deciphering the messages, though they think they are close to understanding some letters and words. ''A few of these signs just jump out at you, at anyone familiar with proto-Sinaitic material,'' said Dr. F. W. Dobbs-Allsopp, who teaches at the Princeton Theological Seminary in New Jersey and is a specialist in the languages and history of the Middle East. ''They look just like one would expect.''
The symbol for M in the inscriptions, for example, is a wavy line derived from the hieroglyphic sign for water and almost identical to the symbol for M in later Semitic writing. The meaning of some signs is less certain. The figure of a stick man, with arms raised, appears to have developed into an H in the alphabet, for reasons unknown.
Scholars said they could identify shapes of letters that eventually evolved from the image of an ox head into A and from a house, which looks more like a 9 here, into the Semitic B, or bayt. The origins and transitions of A and B are particularly interesting because the Egyptian-influenced Semitic alphabet as further developed by the Phoenicians, latter-day Canaanites, was passed to the Greeks, probably as early as the 12th century B.C. and certainly by the 9th century B.C. From the Greeks the simplified writing system entered Western culture by the name alphabet, a combination word for the Greek A and B, alpha and beta.
The only words in the inscriptions the researchers think they understand are, reading right to left, the title for a chief in the beginning and a reference to a god at the end.
If the early date for the inscriptions is correct, this puts the origins of alphabetic writing well before the probable time of the biblical story of Joseph being delivered by his brothers into Egyptian bondage, the scholars said. The Semites involved in the alphabet invention would have been part of an earlier population of alien workers in Egypt.
Although it is still possible that the Semites took the alphabet idea with them to Egypt, Dr. McCarter of Johns Hopkins said that the considerable evidence of Egyptian symbols and the absence of any contemporary writing of a similar nature anywhere in the Syria-Palestine lands made this unlikely.
The other earliest primitive writing, the cuneiform developed by Sumerians in the Tigris and Euphrates Valley of present-day Iraq, remained entirely pictographic until about 1400 B.C. The Sumerians are generally credited with the first invention of writing, around 3200 B.C., but some recent findings at Abydos in Egypt suggest a possibly earlier origin there. The issue is still controversial.
For Dr. Darnell, though, it is exciting enough to learn that in a forsaken place like Wadi el-Hol, along an old desert road, people showed they had taken a major step in written communication. He is returning to the site next month for further exploration.
Linguistic writing systems and population movements. The southern area of the Nile Valley not only produced advanced material culture and political organization but also pioneered in the advancement of learning and communication via writing, contradicting claims of an outside Mediterranean or Mesopotamian influx responsible for such developments. In 1998 a German archaeological team under scholar Günter Dreyer, head of the German Archaeological Institute, excavated tombs associated with the Naqada culture and retrieved hundreds of clay artifacts inscribed with proto-hieroglyphs, dating to the 33rd century BC.[151] Of Dreyer's finds, Archaeology Magazine states that they "...challenge the commonly held belief that early logographs, pictographic symbols representing a specific place, object, or quantity, first evolved into more complex phonetic symbols in Mesopotamia."[152]
The early examples appear to have been building blocks for later development into the full complex of hieroglyphs for inscribing the ancient Egyptian language,[153] showing a measure of continuity into the period of the pharaohs. According to Dreyer, these continuities provide evidence that the writing used later by Egyptian kingships developed gradually in the native environment. "Most of them are documents, records of linen and oil delivered to the King Scorpion, taxes, short notes, numbers, lists of kings' names, and names of institutions.. The writing is in the form of line drawings of animals, plants and mountains and is the earliest evidence that hieroglyphics used by later-day Pharaonic dynasties did not rise as phoenix from the ashes but developed gradually.. Although the Egyptian writing is in the form of symbols it can be called true writing because each symbol stands for a consonant and makes up syllables. In principle Ancient Egyptians were able to express themselves clearly.."[154] According to mainstream Egyptologist Kent Weeks, professor of Egyptology at the American University in Cairo, Dreyer's data suggests "one of the greatest discoveries in history of writing and ancient Egyptian culture."[155]
Dreyer has moved beyond his early findings to postulate that the Egyptians were the first in the world to develop systematic writing as opposed to the commonly held view that the Mesopotamians did.[156] Some Egyptian archaeology authorities appear to support Dreyer's hypothesis of Egyptian primacy. According to a 1999 statement by one Gaballa Ali Gaballa, secretary-general of the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities: "The earliest known Sumerian writings date back to 3000BC while the German team's find shows that Abydos inscriptions date to 3400BC. The first Pharaonic dynasty began in 2920BC with King Menes. The earliest known writing in Dynasty Zero is much earlier than the oldest writing discovered in Mesopotamia." [157]
While scholarly debate and research continues on the topic[158], but the presence of the ancient writings from very early times provides yet more evidence against the notion of a "Dynastic Race" sweeping into the Nile Valley to give the natives advanced culture like writing. Rather the evidence indicates the opposite, and emphasizes the primarily indigenous nature of Egyptian civilization.
Language similarities among the Nilotic peoples. Modern scholarship has moved away from earlier notions of a "Hamitic" race speaking Hamito-Semitic languages, and places the Egyptian language in a more localized context, centered around its general Saharan and Nilotic roots.(F. Yurco "An Egyptological Review", 1996)[159] Linguistic analysis (Diakanoff 1998) places most of the origin of the Afro-Asiatic languages wholly within Africa, primarily in the southeastern Sahara or adjacent Horn of Africa, with Semitic groupings straddling the Nile Delta and Sinai.[160]
Other recent research demonstrates several African languages that share features with Egyptian, such as the Chadic languages of west and central Africa, the Cushitic languages of northeast Africa, and the Semitic languages of Ethiopia and Eritrea.[161] Acceptance of an African origin for the Afro-Asiatic language grouping (of which ancient Egyptian is a part) is widespread among most mainstream scholars.[162]
References
151. ^ Gunter Dreyer, Umm El-Quaab I-Das pradynastische Konigsgrab U-j and seine fruhen Schriftzeugnisse (1998)- translation: Umm El-Quaab I-The Predynastic Royal Tomb U-j and Its Early Writing-Evidence]; see also Allen, James Paul. 2000. Middle Egyptian: An Introduction to the Language and Culture of Hieroglyphs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 1-20
154. ^ Nevine El-Aref, "Did writing originate in Egypt?" Al-Ahram Weekly: 1 - 7 April 1999, Issue No. 423
155. ^ "Egyptian writing dating to 3300 B.C. discovered," The Japan Times, December 17, 1998 156. ^ Nevine El-Aref, "Did writing originate in Egypt?" op. cit
157. ^ Nevine El-Aref, "Did writing originate in Egypt?" Al-Ahram Weekly: 1 - 7 April 1999, Issue No. 423
158. ^ Larkin, op. cit. Archaelogy..
159. ^ Yurco, op. cit.
160. ^ M.Diakonoff, "THE EARLIEST SEMITIC SOCIETY LINGUISTIC DATA," Journal of Semitic Studies, 43,209 (1998)
161. ^ Russell G. Schuh, "The Use and Misuse of language in the study of African history" (1997), in: Ufahamu 25(1):36-81
162. ^ "The Afroasiatic Language Phylum: African in Origin, or Asian?" Daniel F. Mc Call, Current Anthropology, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Feb., 1998), pp. 139-144
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The "African climate" incorporates diverse temperature, humidity, atmospheric pressure, wind, rainfall, atmospheric particle count and other meteorological elements in a wide range of environments -- from deserts, to high altitude snowy zones, to jungle, to savannah, to mixed woodlands, to higher altitude cloud forest, and all that is WITHIN the TROPICAL zone of Africa.
And just as tropical African environments are diverse, so are tropical African peoples as credible scientists note time and time again. QUOTES:
Most phenotypic variation "Both methods for estimating regional diversity show sub-Saharan Africa to have the highest levels of phenotypic variation, consistent with many genetic studies." --- Relethford, John "Global Analysis of Regional Differences in Craniometric Diversity and Population Substructure". Human Biology - Volume 73, Number 5, October 2001, pp. 629-636)
Most genetic variation "Africa contains tremendous cultural, linguistic and genetic diversity, and has more than 2,000 distinct ethnic groups and languages.. Studies using mitochondrial (mt)DNA and nuclear DNA markers consistently indicate that Africa is the most genetically diverse region of the world." ---Tishkoff SA, Williams SM., Genetic analysis of African populations: human evolution and complex disease. Nature Reviews Genetics. 2002 Aug (8):611-21.)
Most skin color variation "Previous studies of genetic and craniometric traits have found higher levels of within-population diversity in sub-Saharan Africa compared to other geographic regions. This study examines regional differences in within-population diversity of human skin color. Published data on skin reflectance were collected for 98 male samples from eight geographic regions: sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa, Europe, West Asia, Southwest Asia, South Asia, Australasia, and the New World. Regional differences in local within-population diversity were examined using two measures of variability: the sample variance and the sample coefficient of variation. For both measures, the average level of within-population diversity is higher in sub-Saharan Africa than in other geographic regions. This difference persists even after adjusting for a correlation between within-population diversity and distance from the equator. Though affected by natural selection, skin color variation shows the same pattern of higher African diversity as found with other traits."
-- Relethford JH.(2000). Human skin color diversity is highest in sub-Saharan African populations. Hum Biol. 2000 Oct;72(5):773-80.)
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Nubians and Egyptians- the close affinities
Nubians ethnically the closest to the ancient Egyptians, and share affinities with other tropical Africans. [Quote:]
"In some cases, the statistics reveal that the Egyptian samples were more similar to Nubian samples than to other Egyptian samples (e.g. Gizeh and Hesa/Biga) and vice versa (e.g. Badari and Kerma, Naqada and Christian). .. The clustering of the Nubian and Egyptian samples together supports this paper's hypothesis and demonstrates that there may be a close relationship between the two populations. This relationship is consistent with Berry and Berry (1972), among others, who noted a similarity between Nubians and Egyptians� Thus, the osteological material used in this analysis also supports the DNA evidence. On this basis, many have postulated that the Badarians are relatives to South African populations..
The archaeological evidence points to this relationship as well. (Hassan, 1986) and (Hassan, 1988) noted similarities between Badarian pottery and the Neolithic Khartoum type, indicating an archaeological affinity among Badarians and Africans from more southern regions. Furthermore, like the Badarians, Naqada has also been classified with other African groups, namely the Teita (Crichton, 1996; Keita, 1990)� Nutter (1958) noted affinities between the Badarian and Naqada samples, a feature that Strouhal (1971) attributed to their skulls possessing �Negroid� traits. Keita (1992), using craniometrics, discovered that the Badarian series is distinctly different from the later Egyptian series, a conclusion that is mostly confirmed here. In the current analysis, the Badari sample more closely clusters with the Naqada sample and the Kerma sample."
-- Godde K. (2009) An Examination of Nubian and Egyptian biological distances: Support for biological diffusion or in situ development? Homo. 2009;60(5):389-404.
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Nubia had close relationships with Egypt in pre-Dynastic and early Dynastic periods via pastoralism and other shared cultural elements. Nubia also a key player in the African pastoral tradition. QUOTE:
"Morphological and genetic research seems to provide further support for the topic. According to Grigson (1991, 2000) Egyptian cattle of the 4th millennium BC were morphologically distinct from Eurasian cattle (Bos taurus) and Zebu (Bos indicus), meaning that African cattle may have been domesticated from the local wild Bos primigenius before the aforementioned date.... The zoological, genetic and linguistic studies thus not only suggest an African origin for cattle domestication, but also provide a precise time frame and geographicallocation which, generally speaking, fits well with that proposed by the CPE (Combined Prehistoric Expedition). A further element which might give support to the matter comes from the archaeological record, namely the pottery."
"To sum up, Nubia is Egypt’s African ancestor. What linked Ancient Egypt to the rest of the North African cultures is this strong tie with the Nubian pastoral nomadic lifestyle, the same pastoral background commonly shared by most of the ancient Saharan and modern sub-Saharan societies. Thus, not only did Nubia have a prominent role in the origin of Ancient Egypt, it was also a key area for the origin of the entire African pastoral tradition." --Gatto M. 2009. The Nubian Pastoral Culture as Link between Egypt and Africa A View from the Archaeological Record. British Archaelogical Reports: Egypt in its African Context: BAR S2204- Archaeopress. 21-29
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Raxter & Ruff, et al. (2008) Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians. Amer J. Phy Anthro 136 (2), 147-55. Most samples drawn from northern Egypt near the Mediterranean, closer to Europe and the Levant, but still link more with Blacks. Earlier studies (Trinkhaus 1981) also link Blacks more closely than Southern or Northern Europeans, or US Whites. Zakrewski (2003) shows similar patterns.
Trinkhaus found Holocene Egyptians plotting nearer to, or resemble more other tropically adapted peoples like Pygmies, US Blacks and Melanesians. The closest match is with fellow Africans. Southern Europeans like Yugoslavs, Northern Europeans like Belgians, and white Americans are more distant from the US blacks and Egyptians. (Trinkhaus, E. (1981) ‘Neanderthal limb proportions and cold adaptation’. p. 211). Trinkhaus’s results confirm studies going back to the 1950s, and recent limb studies by Zakrewski (2003). Raxter, Ruff et. al. (2008) applied limb analysis to ancient Egyptians. The outcome was the same. US Blacks linked closer to the Egyptians, than whites. (Raxter & Ruff, et al. (2008) Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians. Amer J. Phy Anthro 136 (2), 147-55.)
QUOTE: "Body proportions are under strong climatic selection and evince remarkable stability within regional lineages.” (Gallagher 2009, Population continuity "..sample populations available from northern Egypt from before the 1st Dynasty (Merimda, Maadi and Wadi Digla) turn out to be significantly different from sample populations from early Palestine and Byblos, suggesting a lack of common ancestors over a long time. If there was a south-north cline variation along the Nile valley it did not, from this limited evidence, continue smoothly on into southern Palestine. The limb-length proportions of males from the Egyptian sites group them with Africans rather than with Europeans." (Barry Kemp, "Ancient Egypt Anatomy of a Civilisation. (2005) Routledge. p. 54)
QUOTE “The raw values in Table 6 suggest that Egyptians had the “super-Negroid” body plan described by Robins (1983).. This pattern .. indicates that the Egyptians generally have tropical body plans. .. all samples lie relatively clustered together as compared to the other populations." (Zakrzewski, S.R. (2003). "Variation in ancient Egyptian stature and body proportions". Amer J. Phy Anth. 121 (3): 219-229. "Intralimb (crural and brachial) indices are significantly higher in ancient Egyptians than in American Whites.. Intralimb indices are not significantly different between Egyptians and American Blacks... Many of those who have studied ancient Egyptians have commented on their characteristically ‘‘tropical’’ or ‘‘African’’ body plan (Warren, 1897; Masali, 1972; Robins, 1983; Robins and Shute, 1983, 1984, 1986; Zakrzewski, 2003). Egyptians also fall within the range of modern African populations .. (brachial indices are definitely more ‘‘African’’).. In terms of femoral and tibial length to total skeletal height proportions, we found that ancient Egyptians are significantly different from US Blacks, although still closer to Blacks than to Whites.” (-- "Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians" Raxter & Ruff, et al. Am J Phys Anthropol. 2008,136(2):147-55)
QUOTE “"It can be seen that all the pharonic values, including those of 'Smakhare', lie much closer to the negro curve than to the white curve. Since stature equations only work satisfactorily in the individuals to whom they have applied have similar proportions to the population group from which they are derived, this provides justification for using negro equations for estimating stature from single bones of the New Kingdom pharoahs, renforcing the previous findings of Robins (1983). Furthermore, the Troller and Gleser white equations for the femur, tibia and humerus yield stature values that have a much wider spread than those from negro equations with mean values that are unacceptably large." --Robins and Schute. The Physical Proportions and Stature
QUOTE "Estimates of living stature, based on X-ray measurements applied to the Trotter & Gleser (1958) negro equations for the femur, tibia and humerus, have been made for ancient Egyptian kings belonging to the 18th and 19th dynasties. The corresponding equations for whites give values for stature that are unsatisfactorily high. The view that Thutmose III was excessively short is proved to be a myth. It is shown that the limbs of the pharaohs, like those of other Ancient Egyptians, had negroid characteristics, in that the distal segments were relatively long in comparison with the proximal segments. An exception was Ramesses II, who appears to have had short legs below the knees."
--Robins and Schute. The Physical Proportions and Stature of New Kingdom Pharaohs," Journal of Human Evolution 12 (1983), 455-465
QUOTE "Robins (1983) and Robins & Shute (1983) have shown that more consistent results are obtained from ancient Egyptian male skeletons if Trotter & Gleser formulae for negro are used, rather than those for whites which have always been applied in the past. .. their physical proportions were more like modern negroes than those of modern whites, with limbs that were relatively long compared with the trunk, and distal segments QUOTEthat were long compared with the proximal segments. If ancient Egyptian males had what may be termed negroid proportions, it seems reasonable that females did likewise." - Robins G, Shute CCD. 1986. Predynastic Egyptian stature and physical propor tions. Hum Evol 1:313–324. Ruff CB. 1994.)
QUOTE "The late XVII Dynasty and XVIII Dynasty royal mummies display the strongest Nubian affinities. In terms of maxillary protrusion as measured by SNA, the mean value for these Pharaohs is 84.21 comparable to that of African Americans. .. In regards to head shape, the late XVII and XVIII dynasty mummies are very close to Nubian samples intermediate between the Mesolithic and Christian periods. The zygomatic arches are almost always vertical or forward and not receding.“ --PK Manansala 2006 on James Harris & Edward Wente, X-ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1980)
Pharaonic-Nubian links long before 25th Dynasty confirmed by mainstream Egyptology scholars: -QUOTE“The XIIth Dynasty (1991-1786 B.C.E.) originated from the Aswan region.4 As expected, strong Nubian features and dark coloring are seen in their sculpture and relief work. This dynasty ranks as among the greatest, whose fame far outlived its actual tenure on the throne.”-- (F. J. Yurco, 'Were the ancient Egyptians black or white?', Biblical Archaeology Review (Vol 15, no. 5, 1989)
Middle Easterners did not have tropical body proportions like ancient Egyptians – QUOTE: “Results indicate that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids have African-like, or tropically adapted, proportions, while those from Amud, Kebara, Tabun, and Shanidar (Iraq) have more European-like, or cold-adapted, proportions. This suggests that there were in fact two distinct Western Asian populations and that the Qafzeh-Skhul hominids were likely African in origin - a result consistent with the "Replacement" model of modern human origins.. What we can say, however, is that in the Holocene, humans from southwest Asia do not exhibit tropically adapted body shape..” --Holliday, T. 2000. Evolution at the Crossroads. Amr Anthr, 102. 54-68
Egyptians group with tropical Africans and African-Americans QUOTE – Holliday 2010: "These same log shape variables were subjected to two forms of cluster analysis: neighbor-joining (NJ) and unweighted pair-group method using averages (UPGMA) tree analysis. Figure 8 is the NJ tree. It has two main branches—a long and linear body build branch that includes the Egyptians, Sub-Saharan Africans (except for the Pygmies), and African-Americans and a second, less linear body form branch that includes the Inuit, Europeans, Euro-Americans, Puebloans, Nubians, and Pygmies. Note that the Nubians used in this study are thought by some to represent an immigrant population from Europe or Western Asia [see Holliday (1995)." --Holliday, T. (2010) Body proportions of circumpolar peoples as evidenced from skeletal data. AmerJrPhyAntrho, 142: 2. 287-302
Northern Egyptians group with Africans: QUOTE – Smith 2002: "Limb length proportions in males from Maadi and Merimde group them with African rather than European populations. Mean femur length in males from Maadi was similar to that recorded at Byblos and the early Bronze Age male from Kabri, but mean tibia length in Maadi males was 6.9cm longer than that at Byblos. At Merimde both bones were longer than at the other sites shown, but again, the tibia was longer proportionate to femurs than at Byblos (Fig 6.2), reinforcing the impression of an African rather than Levantine affinity." -- Smith, P. (2002) The palaeo-biological evidence for admixture between populations in the southern Levant and Egypt.- In: Egypt and the Levant: interrelations from the 4th through the 3rd millenium, BCE. Leicester Univ. 118-28
Body/limb proportions have strong genetic element - don’t change quickly over millennia- QUOTE: "Human body proportions also appear to have a substantial genetic component. Differences in body proportions between Eskimos and non-Eskimos, for example, appear early in ontogeny.. The low sitting height/stature ratio of Australian aborigines is present early in development.. Schultz (1923, 1926) found significant differences between African–American and Euroamerican fetuses in brachial and crural indices, length of the legs relative to the trunk, and relative pelvic width. The fact that these ‘‘racial’’ features are manifested early in fetal life indicates strong genetic encoding of body and limb proportions. In addition, body shape in human appears to be more resistant to nutritional deficiency or disease than is body size .. Body proportions of human migrants, for example, are conservative; despite often exhibiting a marked increase in stature, children of migrants tend to retain the body proportions of their ancestral homeland, and do not develop the proportions of their new neighbors.. Also, while secular trends in body shape have been documented, they do not negate the value of body proportions as short-term phylogenetic markers... nutritional differences alone cannot explain all of the global variability in body shape. Rather, they note that much of the difference seen today in body shape between broad geographic groups is genetically-driven. Migration within a larger time framework took place ca. 15,000–18,000 BP, .., ultimately founding the modern Amerindian population. Despite having as much as 18,000 years of selection in environments as diverse as those found in the Old World, body mass and proportion clines in the Americas are less steep than those in the Old World.. Amerindians,. This suggests that body proportions tend not to be very plastic under natural conditions, and that selective rates on body shape are such that evolution in these features is long-term." --Holliday T. (1997). Body proportions in Late Pleistocene Europe..human origins. Jrnl Hum Evo. 32: 423-447
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Conservative Egyptologist actually says it is reasonable to view ancient Egyptians as "black" based on social construct race model
"The evidence also points to linkages to other northeast African peoples, not coincidentally approximating the modern range of languages closely related to Egyptian in the Afro-Asiatic group (formerly called Hamito-Semetic). These linguistic similarities place ancient Egyptian in a close relationship with languages spoken today as far west as Chad, and as far south as Somalia.
Archaeological evidence also strongly supports an African origin. A widespread northeastern African cultural assemblage, including distinctive multiple barbed harpoons and pottery decorated with dotted wavy line patterns, appears during the early Neolithic (also known as the Aqualithic, a reference to the mild climate of the Sahara at this time). Saharan and Sudanese rock art from this time resembles early Egyptian iconography. Strong connections between Nubian (Sudanese) and Egyptian material culture continue in later Neolithic Badarian culture of Upper Egypt. Similarities include black-topped wares, vessels with characteristic ripple-burnished surfaces, a special tulip-shaped vessel with incised and white-filled decoration, palettes, and harpoons...
Other ancient Egyptian practices show strong similarities to modern African cultures including divine kingship, the use of headrests, body art, circumcision, and male coming-of-age rituals, all suggesting an African substratum or foundation for Egyptian civilization.."
-- Source: Donald Redford (2001) The Oxford encyclopedia of ancient Egypt, Volume 3. Oxford University Press. p.28
^^Of course on a non-social construct-science basis, the data shows Ancient Egyptians clustering or more similar to other Africans, with stronger similarities based on different eras.
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".. but his [Frankfort's] frequent citations from African ethnography- over 60 are listed in the index- demonstrate that there is a powerful resonance between recent African concepts and practice on one hand, and ancient Egyptian kingship and religion on the other.."
Rowlands (Chapter 4) provides much additional evidence suggesting that 'sub-Saharan Africa and Ancient Egypt share certain commonalities in substantive images and ideas, yet whose cultural forms display differences consistent with perhaps millennia of historical divergence and institutionalization'.
"First, kingship in Egypt was 'the channel through which the powers of nature flowed into the body politic to bring human endeavour to fruition' and thus was closely analogous to the widespread African belief that 'chieftains entertain closer relationship with the powers in nature than other men' (Frankfort 1948: 33, ch. 2). Second, the Egyptian king's metaphorical identification as an all powerful bull who tramples his enemeis and inseminates his cow-mother to achieve regeneration was derived from Egyptian ideas and beliefs abut cattle for which best parallels can be found in some, but not all, recent African societies.."
"Like the chiefs discussed by Rowlands, the king combines 'life giving forces with the power to kill" (Rowlands, Chapter 4:52). Overall, this Egyptian concept of kingship, so akin to African models, seems very different to that held in the ancient Near East (Frankfort 1948; Postgate 1995)"
"In conclusion, there is a relative abundance of ancient materials relevant to contact and influence, as well as striking correlations between ancient Egyptian civilization and the ethnography of recent and current sub-Saharan communities, chiefdoms and states... Perhaps the fact that commonalities do exist suggests that, because of great time depth and different organization, these commonalities may result from inherently African processes."
--David O'Connor, Andrew Reid (2007) ANCIENT EGYPT IN AFRICA. pp 15-22
Other mainstream scholars
[QUOTE:]
[i]"The evidence also points to linkages to other northeast African peoples, not coincidentally approximating the modern range of languages closely related to Egyptian in the Afro-Asiatic group (formerly called Hamito-Semetic). These linguistic similarities place ancient Egyptian in a close relationship with languages spoken today as far west as Chad, and as far south as Somalia. Archaeological evidence also strongly supports an African origin. A widespread northeastern African cultural assemblage, including distinctive multiple barbed harpoons and pottery decorated with dotted wavy line patterns, appears during the early Neolithic (also known as the Aqualithic, a reference to the mild climate of the Sahara at this time). Saharan and Sudanese rock art from this time resembles early Egyptian iconography. Strong connections between Nubian (Sudanese) and Egyptian material culture continue in later Neolithic Badarian culture of Upper Egypt. Similarities include black-topped wares, vessels with characteristic ripple-burnished surfaces, a special tulip-shaped vessel with incised and white-filled decoration, palettes, and harpoons...
Other ancient Egyptian practices show strong similarities to modern African cultures including divine kingship, the use of headrests, body art, circumcision, and male coming-of-age rituals, all suggesting an African substratum or foundation for Egyptian civilization.."
-- Source: Donald Redford (2001) The Oxford encyclopedia of ancient Egypt, Volume 3. Oxford University Press. p.28
MORE MODERN SCHOLARS..
"Ancient Egypt belongs to a language group known as 'Afroasiatic' (formerly called Hamito-Semitic) and its closest relatives are other north-east African languages from Somalia to Chad. Egypt's cultural features, both material and ideological and particularly in the earliest phases, show clear connections with that same broad area. In sum, ancient Egypt was an African culture, developed by African peoples, who had wide ranging contacts in north Africa and western Asia." --Morkot, Robert (2005) The Egyptians: An Introduction. p. 10)
"The ancient Egyptians were not 'white' in any European sense, nor were they 'Caucasian'... we can say that the earliest population of ancient Egypt included African people from the upper Nile, African people from the regions of the Sahara and modern Libya, and smaller numbers of people who had come from south-western Asia and perhaps the Arabian penisula." --Robert Morkot (2005). The Egyptians: An Introduction. pp. 12-13
"Over the long run of northeastern African history, what emerges most strongly is the extent to which ancient Egypt's culture grew from sub-Saharan African roots. The earliest foundations of the culture that was to evolve into that of dynastic Egypt were laid, as we have already discovered, by Afrasan immigrants from the general direction of the southern Red Sea hills, who arrived probably well before 10,000 B.C.E. The new inhabitants brought with them a language directly ancestral to ancient Egyptian. They introduced to Egypt the idea of using wild grasses or grains as food. They also introduced a new religion Its central belief, in the efficacy of clan deities, explains the traceability of the ancient Egyptian gods to different particular Egyptians localities: originally they were the deities of the local communities, whose members in still earlier times had belonged to a clan or a group of related clans." --Christopher Ehret. (2002) The Civilizations of Africa: A History to 1800. p. 93
".. how is it come about that Neolithic Saharan civilizations, ancient Egypt and modern Black African civilizations share cultural features? .. Today however, essentially autochthonous explanations are preferred based on what we call the substratum theory, whereby all the civilizations in question, even in their differences and peculiarities share a common cultural substratum as occurs in the northern world among Indo-European civilizations." --CERVELLÓ AUTUORI, Joseph, Egypt, Africa and the Ancient World, in: Proceedings 7th Int. Congress of Egyptologists, 261-272.
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The Qustul Incense Burner demonstrates the close relations between the early Nubian and Egyptian regions and Nubian influence in the genesis of Ancient Egypt: namely the formulation of key indices of royal power, such as the White Crown and related iconography later adopted by the Egyptians of the Early Dynastic Period, or as an example of shared cultural symbols and traditions between the two closely related peoples of the Nile Valley. Whatever the exact influence, the monumental Pharaonic culture was entirely at home in Nubia.
"The white crown, associated in historic times with Upper Egypt, is first attested later than the red crown, but is directly associated with the ruler somewhat earlier. The earliest known depiction of the white crown is on a ceremonial incense burner from Cemetery L and Qustul, in Lower Nubia (Williams 1986: pls 35,38). Tomb L24 contained a variety of prestige objects and in all probability belonged to a late Predynastic king of Lower Nubia, contemporary with the ruler buried in Abydos tomb U-j (*Naqada III2, c, 3150 BC). The Qustul incense burner is a remarkable object of supreme importance for the development of Egyptian royal iconography. The incised scenes around the edge of the object include the representation of a seated ruler, wearing the tall white crown. Evidence of close contacts between the rulers and their contemporaries at Heraknopolis may support the theory that the white crown originated at the latter site..
The Narmer Palate indicates that the white crown was the superior of the two crowns, since the figure of the king wearing the white crown is significantly larger than the figure wearing the red crown. The superiority of the white crown may have derived from its intimate association with the royal line of Hierakonpolis, which played a decisive role in the unification of Egypt. The white crown retained this superiority throughout Egyptian history. More than simple items of regalia, the red and white crowns were imbued with magical significance and were worshipped as cult objects in their own right."
"O'Connor has argued that the incense burner was made in Egypt or decorated by Egyptians and presented to a ruler of Qustul as a gift (O'Connor 1993: 21). It has been argued that incense burners are, however, unknown in Egypt and so it would seem unlikely that Egyptian craftsmen would make something so unfamiliar in order to send it to Nubia.. An alternative explanation is that these images of rulership- the seated figure with white crown the high prowed barque, the standards, falcon and serekhs- may have been long shared as such. In other words the region of Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia had a common cultural tradition. Can we see this as a gift from one ruler to another, i.e. among equals? The iconography would presumably only be significant in a gift if it was understood by the recipient. Williams himself has argued that the design elements of the Qustul incense burner are to be found throughout the Egyptian Nile Valley from Naqada II on (Williams 1986:144).. While these motifs may not have had the same precise meanings in their Egyptian contexts (Pittman 1996: 13-14) it can be suggested that at an early date (at least Naqada II) there was a movement of ideas as well as objects in this case and a burgeoning elite, and that certainly the Nile River would have facilitated the fluidity of such exchanges.... Williams is partly justified in stating that "it indicates that monumental Pharaonic culture was entirely at home in Nubia", at least among a certain group, and that it highlights closer ties between Egyptian and its southern neighbours."
--Jane Roy. 2011. The Politics of Trade: Egypt and Lower Nubia in the 4th Millennium BC. 215-217
Scholar Nancy Lovell studied dental traits among some high status persons of the key Egyptian Naqada group and found that they resembled the peoples of Nubia.
"A biological affinities study based on frequencies of cranial nonmetric traits in skeletal samples from three cemeteries at Predynastic Naqada, Egypt, confirms the results of a recent nonmetric dental morphological analysis. Both cranial and dental traits analyses indicate that the individuals buried in a cemetery characterized archaeologically as high status are significantly different from individuals buried in two other, apparently non-elite cemeteries and that the non-elite samples are not significantly different from each other. A comparison with neighboring Nile Valley skeletal samples suggests that the high status cemetery represents an endogamous ruling or elite segment of the local population at Naqada, which is more closely related to populations in northern Nubia than to neighboring populations in southern Egypt."
--(T. Prowse, and N. Lovell "Concordance of cranial and dental morphological traits and evidence for endogamy in ancient Egypt". American journal of physical anthropology. 1996, vol. 101, no2, pp. 237-246 (2 p.1/4)
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