posted
What does it all mean. It looks like even within Central Africa the extant population are NOT the original inhabitants. I am really interested who these late stone age Africans align with most Can’t wait for the paper. The “phenotype” is a teaser.
---- QUOTE: [146] The Forgotten Significance of the Later Stone Age Sites near Hora Mountain, Mzimba District, Malawi Thompson, Jessica (Emory University), Alan Morris (University of Cape Town), Flora Schilt (University of Tuebingen), Andrew Zipkin (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) and Kendra Sirak (Emory University) In 1950, J. Desmond Clark led excavations at a Later Stone Age rockshelter at Hora Mountain, a large inselberg overlooking a modern floodplain in the Mzimba District of northern Malawi. At the Hora 1 site, he recovered two human skeletons, one male and one female, along with a rich—but superficially described and undated—cultural sequence. In 2016, our renewed excavations recovered a wealth of lithic, faunal, and other materials such as mollusk shell beads and ochre. Our reexamination of the skeletons also produced the first ancient DNA from the central African region, which together with previous morphological analysis demonstrates that the LSA foragers of the area cannot be readily fit within the known genetic and phenotypic parameters of living foragers. The significance of the Hora 1 site was made further clear by the relocation of several previously known sites also at the mountain, the discovery of four new rock art sites, and the discovery of four very rich new archaeological sites in the mountains adjacent to the floodplain. Here, we describe our renewed work and how it fits with the original findings to offer unprecedented promise for understanding the lifeways of Holocene foragers in central Africa.
Mota will not be lonely for much longer.
Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
May be you bone guys can help me out here. What does the abstract mean by “which together with previous morphological analysis demonstrates that the LSA foragers of the area CANNOT be readily FIT within the known genetic and PHENOTYPIC parameters of LIVING foragers”
What is the morphological analysis of these Central Africans? It seem like the author is stating these LSA Central African were “Caucasoids”? I am trying to get the original papr. Swenet, Cass, morphology guys? This was the type of clue that led to be discover that Neanderthal was black. One paper I read spoke about the pigmentation of Neanderthal remained unchanged for over 100,000years but the morphology did. Then my follow-up question was …well, it looks like the pigmentation of Neanderthal is known. What!!!!? That led me to the “from James Watson’ paper on Neanderthal’s pigmentation.
Now it seems like the two skeleton found by J Desmond Clark in 1950 of LSA Central Africans were “Caucasoids”. It is as if he is saying they were NOT stereotypical “Negros”. Anyone?
BTW – Malawi is at the head of the Great Lakes. Significance? Tic! Toc!
-------------------- Without data you are just another person with an opinion - Deming Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
Lake Malawi had Aka Fula pygmies when Bantus arrived.
Paleo-Pygmies are ancestral to all people, before Caucasoids/Negroids/Mongoloids/Australoids existed.
"mollusk shell beads and *ochre*. Our reexamination of the skeletons also produced the first ancient DNA from the central African region, which together with previous morphological analysis demonstrates that the LSA foragers of the area cannot be readily fit within the known genetic and phenotypic parameters of living foragers"
Significance: Pygmies do NOT use ochre at all, they use a crushed red wood as body paint, this preceded ALL use of ochre anywhere. That finding above indicates a visitor, not a homey.
ebembe/pimple/paint-point/pamphlet/palimpsest - all written scripts began as ceremonial body paint, as for Pygmy (and other) elima/female & nkumbe/male puberty ritual dances.
Cave wall paintings in France etc. are derived from these, and include about 30 standard symbols (spiral, triangle-Y, oval....). cf Genevieve von Petzinger master thesis on ancient scripts.
Posts: 2021 | From: Miami | Registered: Aug 2014
| IP: Logged |
posted
I wouldn't base a conclusion on a single skull, because it could be atypical/outlier phenotypically. The Late Stone Age Malawian Fingira skulls (3500 BP), there are more than one, roughly contemporary with Hora 1 (4000 BP), are "Negroid", i.e. they don't deviate very much from craniometric means of living populations in South-Central Africa:
"Malawian Fingira (Late Stone Age) and the Phwadzi (Early Iron Age) remains are in the first instance, not significantly removed from the Negro populations." - De Villiers, H. & Fatti, L.P. (1982). "The antiquity of the Negro". S. Afri. J. Sci. 78, 321–333.
quote:Seven sites with associated human skeletal remains were selected. Hora, Chencherere, Fingura, and Mtuzi represent the Middle Holocene (2,000–5,000 years ago), and Phwadze, Mtemankhokwe, and Nkudzi Bay represent the Late Holocene and the arrival of agriculturalists between 500–2,000 years ago. Focusing on the identity of Hora and Chencherere specimens, two questions were addressed: are the various Holocene Malawians similar to each other, or do they suggest morphological change over time? What modern populations are closest to the prehistoric specimens? The archaeological sample was compared to modern sub-Saharan Africans from four regions, plus a historic Khoi-San foraging group. Factor analyses were performed in order to identify complex patterns of variation in metric traits of the skull. According to the results, prehistoric Malawians showed only slight differences between the Late and Middle Holocene, suggesting a population change without any major discontinuity. Later Stone Age skulls did not exclusively show similarities with the Khoi-San, as they frequently fit well within the variation of modern Bantu-speaking groups, especially West-Central Africa. Therefore, we reject the hypothesis that Middle Holocene South-Central Africans have an exclusively Khoi-San ancestry, and support an alternative hypothesis that both Middle and Late Holocene groups share a common biological heritage originating in West-Central Africa in earlier times.
Posts: 949 | From: England | Registered: Oct 2015
| IP: Logged |
posted
Ta! Cass and DD'eden. Got some reading to do.
So it seems like the previous hypothesis is that central south Africa was exclusively Khoi-San? Wait for the DNA.
Later Stone Age skulls did not exclusively show similarities with the Khoi-San, as they frequently fit well within the variation of modern Bantu-speaking groups, especially West-Central Africa. Therefore, we reject the hypothesis that Middle Holocene South-Central Africans have an exclusively Khoi-San ancestry, and support an alternative hypothesis that both Middle and Late Holocene groups share a common biological heritage originating in West-Central Africa in earlier times
Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
To clarify, although there are two remains from Hora, there's only 1 skull, but its fragmentary. I believe the other was just scraps and a mandible. In fact, few measurements were taken from the (more complete) skull, i.e. from the 1982 paper above: "the available cranial material, however, [is] too incomplete to provide useful measurements - both Wells and Clark and Toerin considered these remains to be Khoisan in character; however, the remaining orbit (A348) is hypsiconch, a feature of the Negro cranium."
I think these earlier physical anthropologists thought these Late Stone Age Central Africans were Khoisans, that theory is old.
Posts: 949 | From: England | Registered: Oct 2015
| IP: Logged |
quote:Originally posted by xyyman: Ta! Cass and DD'eden. Got some reading to do.
So it seems like the previous hypothesis is that central south Africa was exclusively Khoi-San? Wait for the DNA.
Later Stone Age skulls did not exclusively show similarities with the Khoi-San, as they frequently fit well within the variation of modern Bantu-speaking groups, especially West-Central Africa. Therefore, we reject the hypothesis that Middle Holocene South-Central Africans have an exclusively Khoi-San ancestry, and support an alternative hypothesis that both Middle and Late Holocene groups share a common biological heritage originating in West-Central Africa in earlier times
yes exactly. also that old theory extended to east Africa as well. Even north Africa in Coon, 1962 - people of Khoisan phenotype were once seen as native to the whole African continent.
Posts: 949 | From: England | Registered: Oct 2015
| IP: Logged |
posted
J. Desmond Clark led excavations at " At the Hora 1 site, he recovered two human skeletons, one male and one female, along with a "
This implies these were complete human skulls not partial. Are they Khoi-San skeleton or at least not typical Negroid as implied.
-------------------- Without data you are just another person with an opinion - Deming Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
Eight hundred-year-old human remains from the Ituri tropical forest, Democratic Republic of Congo: The rock shelter site of Matangai Turu Northwest Abstract
Little is known about human prehistory in the central African lowland tropical forest due to a paucity of archaeological evidence. Here we report results from our archaeological investigations of a late Holocene site in the northeast Congo Basin, with emphasis on a single skeleton from the rock shelter site of Matangai Turu Northwest, in the Ituri Forest, Democratic Republic of Congo. The skeleton dates from ∼810 BP (1235 calibrated AD) and is associated with Later Stone Age lithics, animal bone and shell remains from wild taxa, fruit endocarps from forest trees, phytoliths from tropical forest plants, Late Iron Age ceramics, and a single iron artifact. Phytolith analysis indicates that the habitat was dense tropical forest, without evidence of domesticated food.
-------------------- Without data you are just another person with an opinion - Deming Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
quote:Originally posted by xyyman: J. Desmond Clark led excavations at " At the Hora 1 site, he recovered two human skeletons, one male and one female, along with a "
This implies these were complete human skulls not partial. Are they Khoi-San skeleton or at least not typical Negroid as implied.
The post-crania is nearly complete, but not the crania. I found a description of the skull that is more complete (but still fragmentary) of the two:
"In the cranium, the only area of extensive damage is in the central portion of the face (Fig. 2e–i). The upper parts of the maxil- lary bones have been lost, which means that the inferior aspect of much of the orbits and the sides of the nasal aperture are missing. The base of the skull is broken in the sphenoid region, and the whole of the pterygoid area is lost."
Compare to the skull that is missing much more (its basically just a mandible and scrap of skull cap):
"The face and base of the cranium are missing (Fig. 2a–d). The reconstructed cranial vault shows the shape and curvature of the vault, but by far the largest portion of the face and base of the cranium has been lost. Despite this bone breakage, the mandible is nearly complete."
- Morphometric cranial identity of prehistoric Malawians in the light of sub-Saharan African diversity
Posts: 949 | From: England | Registered: Oct 2015
| IP: Logged |
posted
@ Xyman, ill just dump this here. its most the paper - Morphometric cranial identity of prehistoric Malawians in the light of sub-Saharan African diversity
This is interesting reading, also turns out someone mentions Caucasoids. Philip Tobias?
At the onset of the Late Holocene approximately 2,000 years ago, large-scale expansions of Bantu-speak- ing populations originating from the north introduced agriculture and iron to the region of South-Central Africa between 108 and 208 latitude South. The earlier Middle Holocene Later Stone Age foragers were either assimilated or replaced by these population waves (Miller, 1969). A key question is whether the Middle Holo- cene people were Khoi-San-like, as assumed by many prehistorians (Brothwell, 1963; Tobias, 1971; Brothwell and Molleson, 1972), or whether they were more similar to the newcomers whose descendants still live in the region today. These prehistoric foragers, such as those represented by the Hora and Chencherere specimens from Malawi, are of particular importance because they have never been fully described in the literature and analyzed in an up-to-date approach. They therefore pro- vide an opportunity to reexamine the hypotheses about their identity and the assumptions we have made about the peopling of South-Central Africa. Studies using skull morphology, like those from genet- ics, are a potential source of information on the origin of human diversity and its related microevolutionary proc- esses (Howells, 1989; Lahr, 1996; Froment, 1998). They allow us to investigate the patterns of changes through time in a nonracial perspective. In the light of modern sub-Saharan African diversity, the present work will focus on the identity of two groups of prehistoric Mala- wians a group associated with Later Stone Age hunter societies (Hora, Chencherere, Fingura, and Mtuzi), and another one linked to Iron Age Bantu- speakers (Phwadze, Mtemankhokwe, and Nkudzi Bay). Particular focus is placed on the Hora and Chencherere skeletal remains, because they have not been fully de- scribed elsewhere in the literature. Previous craniometrical studies presented conflicting models for the origins of the Holocene Central Africans. Some suggested a Khoi-San origin (Wells, 1957; Tobias, 1971), while others leaned toward a pre-Bantu non- Khoi-San origin (De Villiers and Fatti, 1982; Brauer and Rosing, 1989). The debate is still unresolved. This paper addresses the following questions: 1) Are Hora and Chencherere individuals similar to other Mid- dle and Late Holocene specimens from Malawi, and do specimens from the two time periods form a homogene- ous group? 2) What modern sub-Saharan Africans are closest morphologically to the Holocene Malawians, and to the Hora and Chencherere remains in particular? The first question will help us explore the variation present within the archaeological sample. The second question will focus on the identity of the Hora and Chen- cherere in more detail, but it is not sufficient to look at the variation of the Malawians on their own. son with a broader range of modern African populations will help indicate morphological continuity or discontinu- ity through time and space. Modern populations have often been seen as racial groupings, but the more impor- tant definitions are historical and geographical. The case of the Khoi-San1 is special, because their relative geo- graphic isolation in the south has given them a particular identity clearly independent from groups to the north (Morris, 2002, 2003). No attempt was made in this paper to separate this group into Khoi and San. Previous attempts to separate the two groups were problematic (Singer, 1978; Hausman, 1982), because the biological dif- ferences between the living populations are very subtle and most differences are cultural, economic, or linguistic rather than biological. Foraging and pastoral lifestyles are difficult to differentiate in a Later Stone Age archaeologi- cal context, and therefore archaeological skeletons from Later Stone Age sites in southern Africa are nearly impos- sible to separate into Khoi and San (Morris, 1992a). CHRONOLOGICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUNDS In both Malawi and Zambia, the Later Stone Age is in- dicated by Nachikufan microlithic industries dating back to 17,000 years ago and remaining until nearly recent times (Clark, 1971; Miller, 1971; Newman, 1995). The Hora and Chencherere, as well as the neighboring sites of Fingura and Mtuzi, belong to the last phase of the Nachikufan (phase III), which is dated between 1500 BC and the 18th century AD (Miller, 1971). The archaeological evidence shows no sudden replace- ment of hunter-gatherers throughout the central Mala- wian area. Although probably restricted to refugia in the highlands, the hunter-gatherers interacted for a long time with the neighboring food-producers (Crader, 1984). Crader (1984) interpreted the site at Chencherere rock shelter as a hunting station during the wet season, but suggested that during the dry season, the people exploited lower-lying areas for both water and game. This would have brought them into contact with settle- ments of the early food producers. The food-producing groups were part of the much wider migratory phenomenon that started at least 3,000 years ago in West-Central Africa. Their arrival in Malawi is first dated to the 3rd century AD with the appearance of Nkope ware at sites such as Phwadze Stream (Mitchell, 1973; Juwayeyi, 1993). According to archaeological data (de Maret, 1989; Phillipson, 1994), the dispersal of food-pro- ducers is indicated by a number of sites showing traces of semisedentism such as pottery, domesticated plants and animals, and subsequently iron production. Linguistic data demonstrate that this coincides with the spread of Bantu languages belonging to the eastern group (Benue- Congo) of the Niger-Congo African linguistic phylum (Bas- tin, 1980; Coupez, 1989). These languages were probably originally associated with the earliest food-producers in the Nigeria and Cameroon area (Vansina, 1995). Their lin- guistic affinities suggest that they spread throughout the African subcontinent into both western and eastern regions (Bastin et al., 1983). The linguistic data are also supported by archaeology in East Africa. The first wave of Early Iron Age Bantu-speaking people was linked to the Urewe ware that appeared around 500 BC (Phillipson, 1977, 1985, 1994). These food producers probably reached northern Malawi through the potentially tsetse fly-free corridor along the Songwe Valley (Robinson, 1971). At that time, the differentiation of the Iron Age into at least two main streams was already well-established both cul- turally and linguistically (Juwayeyi, 1993). During the Late Iron Age, economic activities (e.g., crop cultivation, domestic stock rearing, fishing, iron smelting, and trade) both diversified and intensified, as shown by the Malawian sites of Mtemankhokwe and Nkudzi Bay. The latter, which provided pottery and trade beads dated to the late 18th century AD, is also related to additional dispersals of West-Central Bantu- speakers. In the 16th century AD, Nyanja-speaking peo- ple left the Shaba province (Democratic Republic of Congo) and migrated toward the southeast into central and southern Malawi (Olson, 1996). According to both oral traditions and records of 19th century AD European explorers (Juwayeyi, 1991), they are the direct ancestral populations of a few large Late Iron Age Malawian vil- lages such as at Mtemankhokwe and Nkudzi Bay. EARLIEST MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSES AND HYPOTHESIS OF A KHOI-SAN ANCESTRY Although in South-Central Africa, archaeological hu- man remains are more numerous than in equatorial Central Africa (Froment, 1998; Mercader et al., 2001; Ribot et al., 2001), paleoanthropological studies have also faced the problem of establishing population affilia- tion of isolated burials consisting often of incomplete skeletons. When Tobias (1971) wrote The Men Who Came Before the Malawian History, only two sets of human skeletal remains from the sites of Hora and Fin- gura could be associated with the latter part of the Later Stone Age in that country. Wells (1957) and Sandelowsky and Robinson (1968) had published only brief reports on the two sites, and neither series had been fully analyzed. On the basis of Wells (1957) and Brothwell (1963), Tobias (1971) postulated that the Holocene people were a blend of incoming African Mediterranean groups with a prior Khoisanoid population. This interpretation by Tobias (1971) was consistent with the then-current model that human variation in Africa could be explained as a result of the melding proc- ess between Caucasoid, Negroid, and Khoisanoid types. Current approaches based on our improved knowl- edge of the genetics of these groups suggest that reliance on racially identified groups is counterproductive, and that population changes should be seen as complex results of ancient demographic events as well as gene flow (Kittles and Keita, 1999). Nevertheless, the preliminary assessment by Tobias (1971) was tempered by his hopes that new finds would be added to the Malawian sample, and that these would be compared to wider-ranging samples from neighboring territories. Sadly, the three decades that have passed since Tobias' publication have not produced a wealth of new human skeletal remains. Only two further Mala- wian specimens have been excavated from two rock shel- ters in the Dedza district of the western highlands. Mgomezulu (1978) located the remains of at least three fragmentary individuals interred as a secondary burial at the Mtuzi rock shelter. De Villiers (1978) 1The terminology used in this paper conforms to that of Jenkins and Tobias (1977). The spelling of Khoi-San was also adopted by the session on Nomenclature of People at the Origins of Humanity Workshop at Stellenbosch in September 2002. The Workshop was part of the Africa Genome Initiative LATER STONE AGE HUNTERS FROM MALAWI described the Mtuzi remains, and although she placed them in the Khoi-San morphological spectrum, she was far from certain about their identity. The problem lay in the extremely fragmentary nature of the skeletons, and her morphological assessment came mainly from a few mandibular dimensions and the small size and delicate nature of mastoid and maxillary fragments. A single well-preserved individual was excavated at Mwana wa Chencherere (Clark, 1973; Crader, 1984), but the Chencherere material is currently unstudied. Of the two earlier skeletal sets, Brothwell and Molleson (1972) published a more detailed report on the two most complete individuals from Fingura, in which they empha- sized their Khoi-San morphology but warned that they Fig. 1. Holocene sites under study in Malawi. 12 A.G. MORRIS AND I. RIBOT were not particularly similar to the Bushman reference sample. The Hora remains, although recovered first, have not yet been described in any comprehensive manner. All earlier workers interpreted the various morphologi- cal features of the crania in strictly typological terms, implying that different structures indicated specific hu- man strains linked to racial identities. In this manner, Wells (1957) presented the Hora individuals as repre- senting a complex mixture of Caucasoid and Negroid features, implying a model where variation was due solely to gene flow rather than regional differentiation. MULTIVARIATE ANALYSES AND THE HYPOTHESIS OF A PRE-BANTU LOCAL ORIGIN De Villiers and Fatti (1982) applied multivariate dis- criminant analysis of cranial metrics to a wide range of African crania in which they considered the exclusion, rather than the inclusion, of their archaeological skele- tons from comparative samples of South African Negro and Khoi-San skeletons. They included Fingura 1 and 2, 10 crania from the contemporaneous Zambian site of Lochinvar (Gwisho), and two from the Zambian site of Kalemba (Phillipson, 1976). They chose a conservative significance level of 0.01 to indicate that a particular specimen was rejected from membership in a modern southern African Negro or Khoi-San population. Fin- gura 1 was excluded from all Negro and Khoi-San refer- ence samples, while Fingura 2 was excluded only from the Khoi-San female data set. In a like manner, the Kalemba remains did not show a clear link to Khoi-San populations, but a greater surprise was that many of the Lochinvar (Gwisho A) specimens were excluded from the Khoi-San comparative data. Earlier typological work (Gabel, 1962, 1965a,b) had implied that these specimens were of Khoi-San ancestry, a claim repeated in nearly all subsequent archaeological textbooks that discussed south- ern African human remains. Fagan and van Noten (1971) showed how the material culture at Gwisho B resembled the hunting and gathering technology of recent Kalahari San peoples, and argued that the similarity was so great that the inhabitants must have been San. Such a linkage of culture and biology would normally be unwise, espe- cially in light of the analysis by De Villiers and Fatti (1982). Of the 10 individuals from Gwisho A analyzed by De Villiers and Fatti (1982), six were unambiguously excluded from the Khoi-San reference group, and only one, Lochinvar XI, was excluded from the Negro range but included in the Khoi-San range. All of these data show the difficulty in trying to assign the Holocene Central Africans to one or the other part of a Negro/Khoi-San dichotomy. Much of the problem is caused by the underlying assumption that the aboriginal populations of East and Central Africa were specifically Khoi-San, despite the bulk of biological evidence failing to support this model (Schepartz, 1988; MacEachern, 2000; Morris, 2003). The difficulty in placing morphology into one category or another should be interpreted as a sign of the distinctiveness of early African peoples. A better model would be one where the South-Central Africans represent a set of unique populations whose morphologies are broadly more similar to modern Cen- tral Africans than to the Khoi-San. Such a model would agree with the hypothesis of Bra¨uer and Rosing (1989), in which a non-Bantu-speaking but still essentially Negroid population was aboriginal to the region north of the Zambezi. For these authors, the arrival of Bantu- speaking and iron-working populations into South-Cen- tral Africa cannot be equated with the first appearance of the Negroids in these regions (Bra¨uer and Ro¨sing, 1989, p. 54). No living hunter-gatherer societies have been noted in the historical record of Malawi, but oral histories of the peoples often speak of Akafula hunters occupying the lands before them (Rangeley, 1963; Nurse, 1967). Debate on the identity of these almost mythical people has been based on the linguistic translation of the name Aka- fula. Both Nurse (1967) and Rangeley (1963) assumed that the Akafula were the aboriginal inhabitants of Malawi, but where Rangeley (1963) was uncertain of their identity, Nurse (1967) associated them with the Khoi-San, despite a lack of firm biological data to sup- port this association. The archaeological data of Miller (1969) showed that the Nachikufan Later Stone Age overlapped with the Early Iron Age of Zambia and Malawi, and that oral his- tories of the living inhabitants may reflect real history. Miller (1969), Mgomezulu (1978), and Crader (1984) argued that the hilly country of eastern Zambia and western Malawi was a refugia where the aboriginal inhabitants maintained a marginal existence by hunting and gathering, while the agriculturally fertile lowlands were occupied by incoming Iron Age peoples. The idea of a unique non-Bantu and non-Khoi-San aboriginal population for the region is also supported by genetic data. Serogenetic work on living groups showed that, despite variation, the Pygmies of Central Africa demonstrate some degree of distinctiveness from neigh- boring non-Pygmy groups (Hiernaux, 1974; Cavalli- Sforza et al., 1994; Coia et al., 2002). This genetic dis- tinctiveness could represent evidence that the living Pygmy groups are the direct descendants of pre-Bantu-proto-Africans.
Posts: 949 | From: England | Registered: Oct 2015
| IP: Logged |
Previous craniometrical studies presented conflicting models for the origins of the Holocene Central Africans. Some suggested a Khoi-San origin (Wells, 1957; Tobias, 1971), while others leaned toward a pre-Bantu non- Khoi-San origin (De Villiers and Fatti, 1982; Brauer and Rosing, 1989)
emonstrate that this coincides with the spread of Bantu languages belonging to the eastern group (Benue- Congo)
Tobias (1971) postulated that the Holocene people were a blend of incoming African Mediterranean groups with a prior Khoisanoid population.
This interpretation by Tobias (1971) was consistent with the then-current model that human variation in Africa could be explained as a result of the melding proc- ess between Caucasoid, Negroid, and Khoisanoid types
In this manner, Wells (1957) presented the Hora individuals as repre- senting a complex mixture of Caucasoid and Negroid features,
o indicate that a particular specimen was rejected from membership in a modern southern African Negro or Khoi-San population.
The idea of a unique non-Bantu and non-Khoi-San aboriginal population for the region is also supported by genetic data.
All of these data show the difficulty in trying to assign the Holocene Central Africans to one or the other part of a Negro/Khoi-San dichotomy.
-------------------- Without data you are just another person with an opinion - Deming Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
so the aDNA will show Central Africans carried "caucasoid" ancestry. Thought so.
Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
May be the “bone” guys can help me out here also. I am now getting into this. Looks like, The idea I have of an ancient connection (or land mass) between Southern Africa and Asia is not new. I am trying to get my hands on these papers..
DD’Eden, anyone. • Dart, R. A. (1952). "A Hottentot from Hong Kong: pre-Bantu population exchanges between Asia and Africa". South African Journal of Medical Sciences. 17. pp. 117–42. • Dart, R. A. (1955). "Foreign Influences of the Zimbabwe and Pre-Zimbabwe eras". N
-------------------- Without data you are just another person with an opinion - Deming Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
Quote: Broom hypothesized that the robust features he saw in the living Korana were the last remnants of a very ancient genetic strain akin to the Australian aboriginals who had lived in Africa as part of a world-wide primitive race in ancient times and whose features could still be found amongst the Khoekhoe. Broom could therefore characterize any individual as possessing percentage ancestry according to genetic lines of ‘Australoid’, ‘Negroid’, ‘Bush’ or ‘Boskop’, giving him a typological model almost as complex as that of Dart.
See also the The garamantes of central Sahara - R dart
-------------------- Without data you are just another person with an opinion - Deming Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
I used to own Africa's place in the emergence of civilisation 1959 by Dart [it is a small booklet]/ I also had Dart, R. (1974). "Cultural Diffusion from, in and to Africa". In: Grafton Elliot Smith: The Man and His Work. Elkin, A. P (ed). Sydney University Press. Unfortunately I no longer own them since I sold off all my anthro literature. He also published (1939). "Population Fluctuation over 7,000 years in Egypt". Roy. Soc. S. Afr. 27. pp. 95-145. I'm looking online to obtain these, so will post if I find them.
Posts: 949 | From: England | Registered: Oct 2015
| IP: Logged |
posted
Ironic. Coon and Dr Winters may be correct. The "Capsoids" dominated North Africa/Europe and East Asia.
Looking into some of these old papers and authors. It looks like the “Mediterranean Race”/Neolithics reached as far as Zimbabwe. It is a well-kept secret. Of course YRI is just a branch an off-shoot of the Neolithics. Also surprising is how far meturlogy goes back in Africa. Cooper and Iron smelting. Goes back thousands of years BC. Yet, these things are not commonly spoken about.
Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
posted
Previous to the grain-agriculture era, people with epicanthic eyes definitely were not forest dwellers. So Khoisan morphology in central Africa indicates local sustained climate drying. Round eyes indicate forest H&G or woodland horticultural cultivator.
Posts: 2021 | From: Miami | Registered: Aug 2014
| IP: Logged |
quote:Originally posted by xyyman: so the aDNA will show Central Africans carried "caucasoid" ancestry. Thought so.
-------------------- Without data you are just another person with an opinion - Deming Posts: 12143 | From: When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable | Registered: Jun 2007
| IP: Logged |
UBBFriend: Email this page to someone!
Printer-friendly view of this topic