...
Post A Reply
my profile
|
directory
login
|
register
|
search
|
faq
|
forum home
»
EgyptSearch Forums
»
Deshret
»
Mike111's opinion of Africa: ignorant negroes
» Post A Reply
Post A Reply
Login Name:
Password:
Message Icon:
Message:
HTML is not enabled.
UBB Code™ is enabled.
[QUOTE]Originally posted by Troll Patrol: [QB] Getsh*tty, [IMG]http://www.cartoonstock.com/lowres/dre1358l.jpg[/IMG] [QUOTE]Originally posted by Swenet: [qb] [QUOTE]Cassiterides is toying with all of you.[/QUOTE][IMG]http://www.business-opportunities.biz/mlm/wp-content/uploads/2007/10/idea.gif[/IMG] [/qb][/QUOTE]Poor children a year behind in language skills Reading to children and taking them to libraries can limit effects of disadvantage, Sutton Trust study shows [IMG]http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Education/Pix/pictures/2010/2/15/1266232044372/Children-look-at-books-at-001.jpg[/IMG] The vocabulary of children from the poorest backgrounds lags more than a year behind that of their classmates from richer homes by the time they start school, a major new study showed today. The Sutton Trust, the charity which sponsored the research, said the divide was a "tragic indictment of modern society", showing how educational inequality starts young and leaves children from the most disadvantaged homes struggling to keep up throughout their school years. The poorest children face multiple challenges, being less likely to be born to well-educated parents, have a regular bedtime or live with both their biological father and mother, the study found. However, it also concluded that "good parenting can triumph", with families able to limit the effects of poverty by, for example, reading to their children daily. Researchers from Bristol and Columbia universities analysed the performance of a representative sample of 12,644 British five-year-olds in a "naming vocabulary test" during 2006 and 2007. They then produced a "developmental age" score for each child, comparing their test results to the average achieved in the study. The gap between rich and poor children, and even between middle-income and poor, was striking. Those from the poorest 20% of homes, where household annual incomes averaged £10,300 before tax, had an average developmental age of 53.6 months. The comparable figure for those from middle-income families, on around £30,000 a year, was 64.6 months, or 11 months ahead. Children from families in the richest 20% , on around £80,000, reached a development age of 69.8, a further five months ahead. Income itself accounted for only around a third of the differences in test scores, with some 48% caused by differences in parenting between the income groups. Reading to a child every day was found to improve performance in the test – among children in the same income group, it raised scores by around two months – while regular library visits improved performance by 2.5 months. But only 45% of children from the poorest fifth of families were read to daily at the age of three, the study found, compared to 78% among the richest fifth. More than a third of children from the poorest fifth of families were born to parents without a single GCSE A-C grade, while four in five of the richest families had at least one parent educated to degree level. Some two thirds of children in the poorest income group did not live with both biological parents, compared to only one in 10 in middle-income families. Sir Peter Lampl, chairman of the Sutton Trust, said: "These findings are at once both shocking and encouraging, revealing the stark educational disadvantage experienced by children from poorer homes before they have even stepped into the school classroom, but also the potential for good parenting to overcome some of the negative impacts that poverty can have on children's early development." The trust is now urging the government to abandon its plans to increase the amount of free nursery education it offers to all three-and-four-year-olds from 12.5 hours to 15 hours a week this year. Instead, it should provide 25 hours a week of education to the 15% most disadvantaged families. The trust also wants improvements in parenting classes for poorer families. The children's minister, Delyth Morgan, said: "A huge amount has happened in recent years and it's a shame the Sutton Trust fails to reflect much of this. Many of its key recommendations have already been addressed. While there is much more to do, the gap between rich and poor in early years is closing, with the lowest-achieving children not only keeping pace but improving faster than the rest." http://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2010/feb/15/poor-children-behind-sutton-trust/print [i]Poverty is the backdrop to the riots in Northern Ireland It's no coincidence this violence has erupted in some of the UK's poorest areas. Deprivation is sectarianism's partner in crime[/i] [IMG]http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2010/7/14/1279086465455/Irish-nationalist-rioters-006.jpg[/IMG] You've probably read a lot about Northern Ireland over the last few days – primarily about the rioting that has erupted and the condemnations and concern expressed about it. You may even have caught some of the videos on YouTube and watched (mainly) young men and teenagers bombard police with petrol bombs and whatever other makeshift weaponry comes to hand. However, chances are that unless you know a lot about what is unfolding, or you regularly pay close attention to developments in Northern Ireland, you'll be understandably baffled and wondering why, when peace is supposed to have taken root, there are images reminiscent of the "bad old days" being "beamed around the world", as one police spokesman put it. There are plenty of other reporters and writers on this site and elsewhere outlining the immediate backdrop to the riots, including the role of the Orange Order, the Parades Commission, dissidents and so-called "recreational rioters". While this is all absolutely essential to making sense of what's happening, it is nevertheless worth stepping back for a moment to examine it through a slightly different prism. It is impossible for someone like myself, who grew up in one of the worst-affected areas during the Troubles, not to notice that the areas now reeling from riots, burning cars and confrontations with the police are the very same ones that suffered most in previous decades. This is no coincidence. It is no coincidence either that these riots are not taking place in more well-to-do parts of the province, just as they didn't in the past. I watch these youngsters and, all but for a change of fashion, they could be the same people who were on the streets in the 70s and 80s. It is soul-destroying to observe. There are considerable and complex reasons why the current generation are mimicking the last one, but one factor that is all too often ignored in the coverage is their life circumstances. The thing is, that for all the progress – and boy, has there been much to celebrate in recent years – districts such as the Ardoyne and parts of west Belfast remain areas of incredible, entrenched deprivation. For all the admirable work by individuals, local groups and communities at large to turn things around, sectarianism remains and poverty and social exclusion are its willing partners in crime. It is too easy, and it is frankly irresponsible in the longer-term, to dismiss those rioting as "thugs" or "bigots" or "criminal elements" or, indeed, "recreational rioters" (and believe me, I know from bitter experience that all of these will have a part to play). If, as many of those analysing the situation as it unfolds suggest, the riots are the direct response of young people having their strings pulled by dissidents, that is still only one aspect. The fact is there has to be a considerable degree of frustration, hopelessness and anomie mixed in there with the old tribalism to be stoked up in the first place. For all the investment of the post-Good Friday years and the political transformation, the parts of Northern Ireland you are reading about are among the most deprived in the UK. In some parts of north and west Belfast, unemployment is rampant (and was even during the boom), while the same areas are routinely at the bottom of almost every index for deprivation and exclusion. If we are serious about dealing with social exclusion, with poverty, with youth criminality, with knife crime – whatever manifestation of a troubled society we are talking about in Northern Ireland, or anywhere else for that matter – we need to start with asking "why", and we need to finish with an answer that doesn't simply reinforce the miserable status quo. Make no mistake, this is not some kind of attempt to explain away violence, or to condone what's been happening in recent days. It is simply recognising the fact that the people who have lived in the areas affected deserve better. They have lived far too long with this. In October last year, Alex Attwood of the SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party), talking about west Belfast in particular, summed up eloquently in an early day motion at the Northern Ireland Assembly a few hard truths that we should all bear in mind. "I have offered some solutions to the problem of the lack of development in west Belfast, but the question is why it is so. It is not just because this part of our country has suffered, along with north Belfast, the greatest loss of life and the greatest upset and disorder through the years of conflict; it is also because west Belfast, when measured across virtually every multiple deprivation index, comes out bottom or near bottom of the league. That is confirmed by figures released in August [2009], which state that the west Belfast constituency … has the fourth highest unemployment rate of any Westminster constituency. That rate includes 22·6% of males and 7·3% of females: 15·8% overall. Imagine a street where 22·6% of the adult male population are not in work. "Although those figures are harsh, they do not begin to tell the story of the struggle that some people face in order to live in those conditions. Those figures cannot convey the hopelessness and exasperation of people in that condition. They cannot and do not convey how alienating life can be for people in that condition. They cannot measure the damage done to the soul of an individual or of a community that has displayed such resilience in the face of adversity in every other way over the past 30 or 40 years." http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jul/14/belfast-riots-ardoyne-poverty-deprivation/print Determinants of crime rates: Crime Deterrence and Growth in post-liberalized India Dutta, Mousumi and Husain, Zakir (2009): Determinants of crime rates: Crime Deterrence and Growth in post-liberalized India. Unpublished. Abstract Becker’s analysis of crime and punishment has initiated a series of theoretical and empirical works investigating the determinants of crime. However, there is a dearth of literature in the context of developing countries. This paper is an attempt to address this deficiency. The paper investigates the relative impact of deterrence variables (load on police force, arrest rates, charge sheet rates, conviction rates and quick disposal of cases) and socio-economic variables (economic growth, poverty,, urbanization and education) on crime rates in India. State-level data is collected on the above variables for the period 1999 to 2005.Zellner’s SURE model is used to estimate the model. Subsequently, this is extended by introducing endogeneity. The results show that both deterrence and socioeconomic factors are important in explaining crime rates. However, some of their effects are different from that observed in studies for developed countries http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/14478/1/MPRA_paper_14478.pdf [/QB][/QUOTE]
Instant Graemlins
Instant UBB Code™
What is UBB Code™?
Options
Disable Graemlins in this post.
*** Click here to review this topic. ***
Contact Us
|
EgyptSearch!
(c) 2015 EgyptSearch.com
Powered by UBB.classic™ 6.7.3