posted
more than likely muslim; if you don't believe what i believe...then you die...only muslims blow themselves up...the word for that is insanity...it's only a matter of time before they kill more (innocent) people...maybe they don't believe that other people outside their belief are innocent...it will happen again sooner than we want...plane in the sky...subway...checkpoint..etc,etc...really!!? jest waiting for islam to become waslam because the people of now and in the future just won't stand for this crap...why they don't comprehend that the supreme being is really all about love and understanding is beyond me...peace
-------------------- when you see a sacred cow..milk it for all it's worth Posts: 72 | Registered: Dec 2006
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posted
No one would dare call it a secret conspiracy.
Ten years ago this month, Russia has shocked a series of mysterious apartment bombings in which hundreds died. Behind them followed by a wave of fear and panic, which led then almost unknown Vladimir Putin at the summit of power in the country. But after the bombings in doubt, and strange clues, bear evidence that they made a people may be working for the government. In subsequent years, those who questioned the official version of events, one after another silent or died. Except for one. Scott Anderson found it.
First blow up the building was a barracks in Buinaksk, which is home to the Russian soldiers and their families. It was an unremarkable five-story building on the outskirts, and when near him late at night on Sept. 4, 1999 exploded a huge bomb in a truck, floors collapsed into each other, turning the building into a pile of burning wreckage. Under the ruins were buried body of 64 persons - men, women and children.
On 13 September last year, I left the hotel before dawn in central Moscow and went to working-class district on the southern edge of the city.
Twelve years have passed since then, as I was in the Russian capital. Everywhere could be seen the new buildings of glass and steel, horizontal gay construction cranes, and even at four o'clock in the morning noisy casinos around Pushkin Square, working with might and main, and Tver was packed with Jeeps and the latest BMW models. All I saw on the way, demonstrated the enormous changes that have occurred in Russia, whose economy has been the influx of petrodollars has disbanded, nine years after coming to power, Vladimir Putin.
But this morning I was riding in the "old" Moscow, in a small park, where once stood a dirty nine-storey apartment building known as Building 6 / 3 Kashirskoe highway. At 5:03 am 13th September 1999 (exactly nine years before my visit), home 6 / 3 to Kashirskoe highway was blown up by a bomb, hidden in the basement. 121 tenant of the building died in his sleep. The blast, occurred nine days after the explosion in Buinaksk, were third. Total of September apartment bombings in Russia there were four in twelve days. In the blast killed 300 people and the country was plunged into panic. Before the Sept. 11 attacks, they were one of the largest terrorist attacks in the world. By blaming the bombings on terrorists from Chechnya, the new Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin ordered to invade the breakaway republic, using tactics of "scorched earth". Due to the success of this invasion the unknown before Putin became the national hero, quickly capturing the full power in the Russian state. That authority remains with him and to this day.
At the site of the house 6 / 3 to Kashirskoe highway have now been divided into neat flowerbeds. They are surrounded by a stone monument on which were carved the names of the dead and was an Orthodox cross. In the ninth anniversary of the explosion there came three or four local journalists, which were being monitored couple of policemen standing near the car - however, do any of them had nothing. Shortly after five o'clock a group of a couple of dozen people - mostly young, probably relatives of the deceased - in a hurry went to put candles and laid red carnations at the monument and just as quickly retreated. Besides them, the morning there appeared only two elderly men, having witnessed the explosion, they said in a camera, it was awful, just shock.
I noticed that one of the elders, standing before the monument, was deeply moved, constantly wiping away tears. Several times he turned and began to walk purposefully, as if trying to leave this place, but it did not work out. Every time he slowed down the trees on the edge of the park and then still slowly returning to the monument. In the end I went up to him.
"I lived near here," - he said - "and I was awakened by the noise. I came out and ..." A large man, a former seaman, he helplessly hands over flowerbeds. "Nothing." Nothing. "Dragged the boy and his dog. And yet. All the others were already dead."
But the old man turned out to be more closely involved in the tragedy. His daughter, son and grandson lived in the house 6 / 3 on Kashirskoe highway, and they, too, died that morning. Bringing me to the monument, it showed their names on the stone, in desperation, wiping away tears. Then he whispered angrily: "They say that to blame the Chechens, but it is a lie. It was Putin's men. Everybody knows that. Nobody wants to talk about it, but everybody knows it."
This is a riddle, on which modern Russian state, the riddle is not allowed until now. What happened during the terrible events of September 1999? Of whether Russia its avenging angel in the person of Putin, the classic strong man who had broken the enemies of the country and brought the people out of crisis? Alternatively, the crisis was fabricated for the sake of Putin as a successful plan for the Russian secret service to bring to power one of his? This issue is important because if it had not happened to the September explosions and all that follow them, it is difficult to imagine how Putin would be able to take his present position: a major player in world affairs and the head of one of the most powerful countries in the world.
It is unclear why so few people outside Russia want to know the answer to this question. It is believed that several secret services to investigate these explosions, but none of them has not released the findings. Among the U.S. lawmakers explosions few interested. In 2003, John McCain told Congress that "still remain credible evidence that the FSB has made to attack the hand." But beyond that, neither the U.S. government nor the American media did not bother to look into the case.
This apparent lack of interest is now spreading, and Russia. Immediately after the bombings, many Russians have publicly questioned the official version of events. These voices are silent, one after another. In the past few years, many of the journalists who have investigated these incidents, have been killed (or died under suspicious reasons by). The same fate befell the two members of the parliamentary commission of inquiry. Meanwhile, it appears that almost all, whose version differs from the official, now or refuse to talk or disavowed his earlier statements, or dead.
During my stay in Russia last September, I tried to talk to who participated in the search for answers journalists, lawyers, investigators for human rights. Many flatly refused to talk to me. Others were reluctant, but mostly limited to listing the known inconsistencies in the case; if I insisted, they admitted only that the issue remains "controversial". Even if the old man out of the park at Kashirskoye I was faced with the suffocating atmosphere that surrounds this topic. Though he readily agreed to meet again and to acquaint me with the families of other victims and did not trust the official version of events, then he changed his mind.
"I can not," - he said when I called back a few days. - "I talked with my wife and boss, and both said that if I meet you, I'm dead."
I would like to know what he meant when he said "the end", but the old sailor had already hung up. Without a doubt, in part, his caution is understandable - remember only the fate of a man for whom confirmation of the conspiracy of the blast was a personal mission: Alexander Litvinenko. From the London exile, former KGB agent who led a relentless media campaign against Putin's regime, accusing it of corruption and all sorts of crimes - but, more importantly, that it was Putin who organized the bombing of houses.
In November 2006 the whole world watching, his eyes riveted on the drama unleashed when planted Litvinenko a fatal dose of radioactive polonium - most likely during a meeting with two Russian intelligence agents in a London hotel bar. After 23 agonizing days Litvinenko died of poison, but managed to sign a statement in which he unequivocally accused Putin of a crime.
But Litvinenko was not working with the case of explosion of houses alone. Within a few years before his death, Litvinenko asked another former KGB agent, a former investigator Michael Trepashkina help him find answers to their questions. In the past, their fate is inextricably crossed (in the 90's, one was allegedly sent to kill another), but in the end it Trepashkin, working inside Russia, revealed many disturbing facts of this case.
Trepashkin also summoned the wrath of the authorities. In 2003 it entered into four years in the running Urals prison. But by the time I arrived in Moscow last year, he was at liberty.
A mediator, I learned that Trepashkina two small daughters and wife, categorically did not want it Weatherly in politics. Learning of this, as well as taking into account that a colleague Trepashknia recently killed, and his own upekli in prison, I expect that my attempts to talk to him will be as unsuccessful as the conversations with the other doubters.
"Oh no, he will not be silent" - has assured me intermediary. - "The only way to stop Trepashkin - is to kill him."
September 9, five days after the explosion in Buinaksk, terrorists struck Moscow. They blew up a house on the street Guryanova in the working area of the city on the south-west. Instead, the device was hidden in a truck on the ground floor of the house, but the result was practically the same - an explosion destroyed all eight floors and and killed 94 sleeping people.
And it was after the street Gur'yanova opened a general panic. Within hours, some Russian officials have begun to explicitly hint that the blame Chechen terrorists and the country declared a high alert. Thousands of police officers went to question - and a few hundred cases, arresting - all resembling the Chechens, and the residents of apartment buildings across Russia organized patrols. Calls for revenge could be heard in all political circles.
At the request of Trepashkin, our first meeting took place in a crowded cafe in central Moscow. First you get one of his assistants, and then, twenty minutes later, he arrived Trepashkin accompanied by someone like a bodyguard, close-cropped muscular young man with a blank stare.
Trepashkin was powerfully built, though not high - his whole life he was engaged in all kinds of martial arts. He was very prominent, despite the age of 51 years. But most of all attracted the attention of his smile never disappeared. Thanks to her, he immediately possessed companion, calling for a friendly, though I could imagine, as in his days working for the KGB from sitting on the other side of the table for questioning because of his smile froze the blood.
A few minutes later we were chatting about everyday things - about the unusually cold weather in Moscow at that time was, on the changes that I've noticed since my last visit - and I felt that trying to calculate Trepashkin me, deciding how much can I open.
Then he began telling me about his career in the KGB. Most of the time he was investigating the smuggling of antiquities. At that time, he was absolutely devoted to the Soviet government, especially the KGB. Trepashkin was such a passionate advocate of the Soviet Union, that he even supported a group that tried to prevent the rise to power of Boris Yeltsin and save the Soviet system.
"I saw that this would be the end of the Soviet Union," - explained Trepashkin in the cafe. - "But we will go further - what happens to the KGB, with all of us for whom the Committee has become a matter of life?" I saw nothing but disaster. "
And these disasters to come. The Soviet Union collapsed and Russia was plunged into economic and social chaos. One particularly destructive aspect of this chaos is connected with the huge number of officers of the Russian KGB, who unexpectedly entered the private sector. Some firms have opened, or themselves, or in collaboration with the very same mob, with which they had fought. Others went to work as "advisors" or security guards to the new oligarchs or an old boss of the Communist Party, which quickly grabbed everything that had value in Russia, praising at the same time, democratic reforms, President Boris Yeltsin.
Trepashkin nabdlyudal behind all this at very close range. Left in the FSB (former KGB), the investigator noticed that distinguish crime from government action is becoming increasingly difficult.
"In one case after another," - he said - "See conspiracy. Mafia worked with terrorist groups, but then the trail suddenly led to any business group or even government ministries. And then it became clear - it is still criminal case or a clandestine operation, which has official sanction, and what is actually means "official sanction" - who, in the end, at the helm? "
In summer 1995, Mikhail Trepashkin began working on the case, which will change his life forever and lead him into conflict with the higher FSB superiors, one of whom, according to Trepashkin, try to kill him. This incident, like many others, exposed the rot of the post-Soviet Russia, was the breakaway southern republic of Chechnya.
By December 1995, after a year of war the rebels who fought for the independence of Chechnya, Russian troops have brought to a standstill, the bloody and humiliating. The reason for this was not just fighting. Ever since the Soviet Union, the Chechen mafia controlled most part of Russian criminals, so when Russian society itself criminalized and the Chechen rebels it was only on hand. They fought against the Russian army with modern weapons, which can always be obtained simply bribe corrupt Russian officers. Money also came from the Chechen criminal gangs operated throughout the country.
How far this went all the convenient conspiracy? Trepashkin know the answer to the night of 1 December, when a group of FSB officers seized the Moscow office of the bank "soldi".
The raid was the latest step complex operation, which was led by, among others, and Trepashkin. It was supposed to finally crush the notorious group of bank extortion related to the Chechen leader Salman Raduyev. The raid was a great success: a network of "Szold" were caught more than twenty bandits, including two officers of the FSB and the Russian army general.
But inside the Bank FSB-Schnick found something strange. Preparing for ambushes, the bandits set throughout the building listening bugs, connecting them to standing outside the car. As it turned out, the system was imperfect, but nevertheless, the question arose: how did this gang could have such equipment?
"All these devices have serial numbers," - explained Trepashkin, sitting in a Moscow cafe - so we knocked on their system and found that they were all born in or out of the FSB, or from the Ministry of Defence. "
It was extremely important, since access to such equipment was severely limited. It turns out that senior intelligence and army officers were in collusion not just with the gang, but with gruppirovkyo, which was created in order to finansrovaniya war against Russia. By the standards of any state that has not been corruption, and betrayal.
But as soon as Trepashkin began an investigation, the head of internal security, Nikolai Patrushev, withdrew it from the case of Bank Szold. And no one Russian officer has been charged, and almost all are caught in the bank men were soon quietly released. But Patrushev told to start a case against Trepashkin. It lasted almost two years, and at the end Trepashkin not stand it. In May 1997 he wrote an open letter to President Yeltsin, describing in detail his role in the investigation and accusing the majority of heads of the FSB in a variety of crimes, including cooperation with the mafia and even the adoption of the bandits in the ranks of the FSB.
"I thought that if the president knew about what was going on," - said Trepashkin, - "he would have done something. It was a mistake on my part."
Oh, yes. As it turned out, Boris Yeltsin himself was incredibly corrupt, and the letter opened the eyes of the FSB-Schnick for disaffected in their ranks. A month later Trepashkin voluntarily left work, unable to endure, he said, pressure from colleagues and superiors. But this does not mean that he was going to quietly disappear. That same summer he filed a lawsuit against the FSB and was to send a complaint that reached even up to the director of the FSB. It seemed that the investigator is still believed that the honor Bureaus can restore that someone hitherto unknown, will come out of the shadows and require reform. However, his insistence only even more convinced of the FSB, it is time to solve his problem once and for all. One of the first they turned to Alexander Litvinenko.
At first glance, Litvinenko seemed just to those who need it. Returning to Moscow after a counter-terrorist operative work on the bloody Chechen front, he was transferred to a new highly classified Department of the FSB, entitled "Managing for development and suppress the activities of criminal organizations" (OLPS). Litvinenko did not know that the department was created as a group of killers. In his book "Death of a Dissident", written by Alex Goldfarb and Litvinenko's widow Marina Litvinenko describes a meeting with the Chief OLPS in October 1997: "There is such Mikhail Trepashkin. This is your new object. Take it and read it."
After reading it, Litvinenko knew of the investigator Bank Solddi ", as well as his lawsuit against the leadership of the FSB. He could not understand what exactly he was supposed to do with Trepashkin.
"Well, here the situation is fine," - quoted Litvinenko his boss. - "You know, that he filed a lawsuit against our directors and give this interview. We need to shut up, it ordered the director himself."
Soon, according to Litvinenko, a list of his goals has increased and included Boris Berezovsky, the oligarch and Kremlin influential character whom someone powerful now wanted to destroy. Litvinenko was playing for time, coming up one after the other reasons why he could not obey orders to kill.
Another aspect in which doubted Trepashkin was the question of motive.
"Usually it is very easy to find a motive," he explained, "or money, or hatred or jealousy, but that has led the Chechens in these attacks? Very few people think about it. "
From one perspective it is perhaps understandable. Antipathy towards the Chechens sitting very deep in Russian society and has become even deeper during the separatist war of the nineties. Untold atrocities committed on both sides during this conflict and the Chechen rebels were ready for war on the territory of Russia and to take action against civilians. But the war ended in 1997 that Boris Yeltsin signed a treaty recognizing the autonomy of Chechnya.
"So, why?" Continued Trepashkin "Why would the Chechens to provoke the Russian state, which has already achieved everything, why fight?"
Something has interfered with a former criminal investigator: the composition of the new Russian government.
In early August 1999 - a few weeks before the first explosion in Buinaksk - President Yeltsin appointed his third prime minister in less than three months. It was a small man, with no sense of humor, almost unknown to the Russian public, his name was Vladimir Putin.
He was well known, because a few years ago, Putin was still a secondary officer KGB / FSB, toil unnoticed. In 1996, Putin was given a seat at the Office of the President - the key management apparatus Yeltsin, Putin had given the levers by which he could offer or provide services to insiders in the Kremlin. As you can see, it is well seize the opportunity: in the next three years, Putin promoted to Deputy Chief of the Presidential Administration, and then to the director of the FSB, and now to the Prime Minister.
But while Putin was still a little-known general public in September 1999, Mikhail Trepashkin was already familiar with it. When the scandal became public OLPS, Putin was director of the FSB and personally fired Alexander Litvinenko because he drew attention obschesvennosti. "I dismissed Litvinenko, because the FSB does not have to hold a press conference and not have to do internal scandals public."
And equally alarmed Trepashkin that Putin's successor as director of the FSB, Nikolai Patrushev was. In his role as head of the Department's own security FSB Patrushev himself freed from the obligation of the investigator Trepashkin affairs of the Bank Soldi, and he was one of those government officials who most passionately argued Chechen connection with the bombings of apartment houses.
"So that this pattern was evident," said Trepashkin "and it was the government encourages it. There have been many Chechens, so now we have to deal with the Chechens "
But then something very strange happened in a quiet provincial town of Ryazan, situated 120 miles south-east of Moscow.
Thanks to a heightened state of vigilance that reigned in the country, some residents Novoselova 14/16 Str. in Ryazan noticed a white Lada driven up to their house the evening of 22 September. People panicked when they saw two men, who made several big bags from the trunk of car and carried them to the basement and then quickly left. Residents called the police.
In the basement, found the three white bag weighing about 50 kilograms each, connected to a detonator and explosive timer. While police quickly evacuated everyone from the house, rang the local FSB expert on explosives, he found that the bags contained RDX - an explosive powerful enough to demolish a house. Put up roadblocks on all roads from Ryazan, and began a huge hunt for Lada and its drivers.
By the next day's event in Ryazan became known throughout Russia. Prime Minister Putin, thanked residents for being vigilant, while Interior Minister praised the recent improvements in the security agencies "such as preventing the explosion at home in Ryazan.
All would end well, maybe only this evening, two of the suspects were detained. To the surprise of local authorities, both presented certificates by the FSB. Soon a call from the headquarters of the FSB in Moscow and said that they were released.
The next morning, FSB Director Patrushev went on television to announce a completely new version of the events in Ryazan.
Case in 14/16 Novoslevoy st., He explained, was not successful terrorist attack, but rather a "workout" of the FSB, to verify the vigilance of society. He said that the sacks were no explosives, and ordinary household sugar.
The contradictions in the version of the FSB were numerous. How to compare the approval of the headquarters of the FSB of the bags of sugar with an analysis of the local Federal Security Service, who found the RDX? If she really was a coach, why not tell the local FSB early, or why Patrushev did not talked about this during those fifteen days, until catching terrorists? Besides, why the explosions in apartment houses immediately stopped after the Ryazan? If the attacks were actually arranged by Chechen terrorists, then surely, the humiliation of the FSB in Ryazan inspired them to continue their actions.
But while these issues have already expired. While Prime Minister Vladimir Putin during his speech the evening of September 23, praised the residents of Ryazan for vigilance, Russian warplanes have bombed Grozny - the capital of Chechnya. A few days later, Russian battalions of armored vehicles entered Chechnya, and the second Chechen war began.
After this event, began to develop very quickly. During his New Year speech on Dec. 31, 1999, Boris Yeltsin shocked the country, saying that he was leaving his post, and the decision takes effect immediately. Thus, Vladimir Putin became acting president until that held new elections. And instead take place in summer, as initially planned, the elections were scheduled after ten weeks. Putin's rivals have little time left to prepare.
In response to the presidential poll in August 1999, Putin had less than two percent of the vote. In March 2000, thanks to its strategy of total war in Chechnya has increased its popularity and was elected president with 53 percent of the vote. Vladimir Putin, began, and Russia never be the same as before.
At our next meeting, Trepashkin invited me to his home. That made me a little bit surprised - I was told that's the safest, Trepashkin rarely brings visitors back home - but, in my opinion, he believed that all his enemies still know where he lives.
It was quite nice place, except that the Spartan kind, on the ground floor of apartment buildings, surrounded by other tall buildings in the north of Moscow. Trepashkin showed me an apartment, and I noticed that the only place with a hint of disorder was a small room filled with papers - almost a closet - in which he had made a study. One of his daughters was home, she brought us tea.
With a bit shy smile, Trepashkin Inform me about me that he had another reason for which he rarely arranged business meetings at home - his wife. "She wants me to no longer engage in these political things, but this morning it's not ...". The smile vanished from his face. "It's because of raids. You know, they break in here" - he waved his hand toward the front door - with their guns, shouting orders, children are very frightened. It became my wife, she's constantly afraid that could happen again. "
The first of these raids was in January 2002. Late at night, a group of FSB operatives raided and put up a search, turning the apartment upside down. Trepashkin argues that if they found nothing, and planted enough "evidence" - some classified documents from the archives of the FSB, a few rounds - that allowed the prosecutor's office "hang" with him for three serious charges.
"So they gave me to understand," he explained, "that they are me alone will not leave until I" obrazumlyus.
Trepashkina was an idea that attracted the attention of the FSB: just a few days before the raid, he began to call people consider Putin's regime one of the major betrayers of Russia, Alexander Litvinenko.
A service drop colonel Litvinenko happened quickly. After his press conference in 1998, where he accused OLPS in organizing attacks, he spent nine months in prison on charges of "abuse of power", after which he was forced to leave Russia when the prosecutor was preparing another indictment. With the help of exiled oligarch Boris Berezovsky, Litvinenko was to go and settle in England, where, together with Boris Berezovsky, they decided to make public what they regarded as crimes of Putin's regime. Their main objective was to find out the truth about the bombings of apartment houses.
"That's why he called," explained Trepashkin. "Livinenko, of course, could not come to Russia and he needed was someone there to help in the investigation."
Easier said than done - to January 2002, in Russia there have been big changes. During those two years, since when Putin was elected president, who had been a thriving independent press has virtually disappeared, and the political opposition was gradually embossed on the side of the road, losing all meaning.
One indicator of this cooling was the rewriting of the most suspicious part of the official version of the blast - training tasks "FSB in Ryazan. By 2002, the head of the Ryazan branch of the FSB, who led the search for "terrorists" was to confirm the official version of the training tasks. Local FSB officer, an expert on Explosives, who swore in front of television cameras in Ryazan bags was a real explosive, suddenly stopped, and then completely disappeared from view. Even residents of St. Novoselova 14/16, some of whom participated in the shooting of a documentary six months after the incident, which denied the version of the FSB, and insisted that the bomb was real, now refused to this against anybody to talk, except to say that perhaps they did wrong.
"I said to Mr Litvinenko, the only way to help if I could take part in the investigation of some official positions, overseen Tepashkin. "If I'm just going to dig itself, I quickly stopped."
This official position was organized at a meeting in the office of Boris Berezovsky in London early in March 2002. One of those present - State Duma deputy Sergei Yushenkov, undertook to organize an independent commission to investigate the explosions and Trepashkin appoint one of its members. The meeting was also attended by Tatiana Morozova, 31, left Russia and lives in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Morozova's mother died in the explosion on the street Gur'yanova and under Russian law could be given access to a formal investigation, because Trepashkin recently received a license to counsel, it was decided that he will officially represent the interests of Morozova and asks the court to allow him access to the FSB about the explosion at the street Gur'yanova.
"I agreed to these suggestions," Trepashkin said, "but the question was where to begin. Most of the sources were unreliable, and evidence of people have changed, so my first task was to gain access to the results of the examination."
I beg to say than to do, a hallmark of an official investigation into the explosion was a kind of haste in cleaning crime scenes. If, for example, Americans spent six months sifting through all the debris at the World Trade Center after Sept. 11, approaching it as a collection of physical evidence from the crime scene, Russian officials have leveled Gur'yanova 19 after just a few days after the explosion and taken away all the debris to the city landfill. The small part of the evidence that was collected - and still do not know whether it was in general - was probably locked in storage FSB.
What he found, had no direct relation to the blasts, but Trepashkin find something interesting.
One of the oddities of this story was a statement by the speaker of the Duma Gennady Seleznev, which he did the morning of September 13, 1999. "I just received the information," he told MPs. "Tonight was blown up a house in the town of Volgodonsk."
That night, really blew up a house, but Seleznev was wrong with the city, an explosion occurred at Kashirskoye 6 / 3 in Moscow. What put the Speaker in a quandary when three days later in Volgodonsk really an explosion occurred at home. At least one of the deputies of the Duma became suspicious.
"Mr. Speaker, please explain," asked Seleznev in the State Duma, "as you know on Monday about the explosion, which happened on Thursday?"
Instead of answering a questioner, was immediately turned off the microphone.
This leads to the suspicion that someone in the FSB simply confused the order in which the explosions were to happen and told Seleznev "news" in reverse order.
After spending nearly three years in search of an explanation of this fact, Trepashkin concluded that Seleznev received an error message from an FSB officer, but he would not say how he managed to reach this conclusion.
However, along with the advance in the investigation grew and danger Trepashkin. One of those present at the meeting in London - human rights activist and assistant to Alex Goldfarb, Berezovsky felt concern of this threat and appointed a meeting with him in early 2003 in Ukraine. They never met before, and after the first meeting in Godldfarba left a strange impression.
"He is one of the strangest people I've ever met," remembers Goldfarb. "He was not interested in political or philosophical aspects of what he was doing. For him it was just an investigation of the crime. I even thought," Maybe he's mad? Does he not understand what power he opposes? ". But then I decided for myself that he was just very honest policeman - you know like Serpico. He simply did what was right, that's all." Anyway, Goldfarb felt that he should at least warn about the growing threat of Trepashkin, if the authorities decide to stop it. But the more he pushed for this, the more obstinately became Trepashkin.
"He did not want to hear about it," recalls Goldfarb. "I think he still believed in the fact that this struggle for reform, rather than in the fact that he now opposed to it."
However, it turned out that the first blow of the system was not to him. In April 2003, the State Duma deputy Sergei Yushenkov, who appointed Trepashkin in its commission of inquiry, was shot in front of the entrance of his home in Moscow, in front of everyone. Three months later, another commission member has died under mysterious circumstances. After the two deaths, an independent investigation had been virtually closed - which also meant Trepashkin can now rely mainly only on its own strength. Nevertheless, acting as a lawyer Tatyana Morozova, he did not surrender - and in July 2003, finally succeeded. He stumbled upon yet another unexplained detail in which there is no "clean sweep" could not hide.
Within a few hours after the explosion on the Street Guryanova, FSB released a sketch of the suspect, described the control house. But soon, and without any explanation, the sketch was replaced by a completely different description of the man, whom I identified as Achemeza Gochiyaeva, small biznesmena of Circassia, immediately escaped and pushed underground. In the spring of 2002, Alexander Litvinenko and his partner tracked Gochiyayev in the distant edge of Georgia, where, through an intermediary, he stubbornly insisted that the FSB he was framed and he fled only because he was sure he would be killed.
Personality rights in the first sketch is more interested in Trepashkin, when studying three-dimensional case the FSB about the explosion on the Street Guryanova, he could not find a copy. Eventually he began to examine the archives of newspapers in the hope that one of them printed this sketch before the FSB had time to stop their spread. And found.
The picture depicted a male 30-something years, with a square jaw, dark hair and glasses. Trepashkin was sure that he knew him, and that he had arrested him, even 8 years ago. He believed that it was a picture of Vladimir Romanovich, FSB agent who picked up the people in the van c electronically monitored for gang Raduyev during the robbery of the bank Soldi.
The original idea was to find Trepashkin Romanovich and try to persuade him to reveal his involvement in the bombings. This proved to be futile. How Trepashkin could determine Romanovich moved from Russia to Cyprus and in the summer of 2000, it hit by a car, which quickly disappeared, R. died.
Trepashkin then found the original source of the sketch ⎯ manager of the house, Gur'yanova.
"I showed him a sketch Romanovich," Trepashkin said, sitting in his living room, "and he told me that he had been drawn up correctly, just as he described his militia. But then they took him to the Lubyanka, where they showed emy sketch Gochiyayev and insisted that this was a man whom he had seen.
With this stunning news, Trepashkin was going to surprise the government.
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