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Author Topic: My email to Dr. Sustan Anton on Tut-ankh-amun
-Just Call Me Jari-
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I dont see what the big deal is..although the bust of Tut looks like Brittny Spears on her Rag...and even though it shows Tut 10 shades lighter than his REAL authentic busts...That Britnny Spears bust still would fit in with Local Ethiopian and Somali tribes...

Also I wonder if that lady relizes Europeans are not the only ones on Earth to have Narrow Noses and thin lips(WHICH TUT DID NOT HAVE)

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-Just Call Me Jari-
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I actually wathed the program about the Tut reconstruction and it CLEARLY said that Tut had AFRICAN as well as Caucasiod(OUTDATED TERM..TUT..TUT) Features. Clearly any of the indiginous East African people would have done...

So where does this "European" crap come from. The Egyptians were in no way, shape or form associated with ANYTHING European other than Myceane and later Greece and Rome after it had Declined.

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rasol
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quote:
Also I wonder if that lady relizes Europeans are not the only ones on Earth to have Narrow Noses and thin lips.
^ thick nose, thin nose, prognathism, orthagonism.....

ah yes, the dog-chases-tail race discourse. [Wink]

a mark of intelligence is to discontinue this fruitless discourse, and move on.

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Sekhmet225
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The "race" of Ancient Egyptians will not make it belong to any one race of people because Egypt's greatness belongs to the human race; as a people they belong to Egypt. And I'm sure Egypt's seen a pharoah in every shade. There can never be a fine racial line in a place where there was so much power and wealth. This term is evident even today. Egyptians where aware of racial differences but it didn't define or divide them. Let's take credit for Egypt as humanity and live all the details to the rightful owners of that great civilization: The Egyptians in every shade and hue.
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xyyman
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huh!!??? scratch head!!
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White Nord
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[U]African ancestry, possibly north african.[/U]

Anton does not explain what makes him North African vs African in general. She goes on to state:


[U]north african came mostly from the shape of the face including the narrow nose opening, that is not entirely consistent with an 'African'designation.[/U]

Thus she classifies him as “North African.” She then contradicts herself by stating:

[U]so for me the skull overall, including aspects of the face, spoke fairly strongly of his African origins - the nose was a bit unusual.[/U]

[U]
I did say that the narrow nose was what led me to suggest North Africa as a possibility and that a narrow nose is more typically seen in Europe.[/U]

So is it African or North African? Or more specifically Caucasian as the French team had the authority to classify it as such. WE find out exactly why Anton refuses to be specific in designating Tut a racial classification:

[U]I personally don't findthat term all that useful and so I don't use it. [/U]

Ironic remark considering this is from someone who was paid to do the [U]“biological profile (assessment of age at death,sex and ancestry)” [/U]Tut was indeed North African as that is where his ancestry is, burial, etc. Anton was reluctant to place a racial classification.


Anton basically talks more about Tutus Caucasian nose than anything else, she never once mentions the terms "negroid" or "black," and African does not denote race but simply geographical location.


Based on this skull, the American and French teams both concluded that the subject was [COLOR="Red"]Caucasoid[/COLOR] http://guardians.net/hawass/Press_Release_05-05_Tut_Reconstruction.htm

So why Anton wants to come off extremely wordy in explaining a racial type and change her mind is questionable. She is disingenuous and politically correct.


[U]I did say that the narrow nose was what led me to suggest North Africa as a possibility and that a narrow nose is more typically seen in Europe.[/U]

She does not address what led her to differentiate between North African and Sub-Saharan African.

[U]And we don't know how well today's range matches that of the past, although I suspect there was also a range of variation in the past,[/U]

Anton shows ignorance on the history of ancient immigration into Egypt.


MA program website http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/anthro/...ogy/index.html

This is not a direct link to your source.

OK Here's more from/on Susan Antón

This is not a direct link to the source either. Someone need to provide a direct link to a credible source; a forum is not credible as text can be changed to suit agendas.


How the new face of Tut came about:


1) Using the CT data from scanning done in January, a “rapid prototype model” of the skull was made and provided to French forensic anthropologist Jean-Noel Vignal, of the Centre Technique de la Gendarmerie Nationale. Vignal, who works daily with police officials to reconstruct deceased crime victims, determined from the skull that the person had been male, 18 to 20 years old, [COLOR="red"]with Caucasoid features. “Caucasoid” describes a major group of peoples of Europe, North Africa, the Near East and India. [/COLOR]

2) From the CT data, Vignal and his team determined basic measurements and features of Tut’s face. For example,[COLOR="red"] the size of the narrow nasal opening, considered a Caucasoid trait,[/COLOR] allowed them to fix the size range of Tut’s nose. Other data guided them on the position of the king’s mouth and his receding chin. Vignal also used the data to calculate the correct thickness of skin on Tut’s face.

3) Vignal’s skull “map” then went to [COLOR="red"]one of the world’s leading anthropological sculptors, Elisabeth Daynes[/COLOR] of Paris. Daynes’s job was to combine the science with art [COLOR="red"]to create the most accurate, lifelike face of Tut ever. [/COLOR][COLOR="red"]She used Vignal’s conclusions as well as archaeological information supplied by Hawass that included two wooden sculptures made of Tut during his youth.[/COLOR] Daynes used tissue-depth information to lay clay over the plastic skull models and build toward a human image with flesh, filling in the king’s eyebrow thickness, precise shape of the nose and lips, as well as the approximate shape and size of Tut’s ears.

5) […]Susan Antón, associate professor of anthropology at New York University, in consultation with Bradley Adams of the chief Medical Examiner’s office, studied the CT data. She quickly described the mystery person as male, age 18 to 19 years, and of African ancestry [COLOR="red"]with several Caucasian affinities[/COLOR], possibly of north African origin — all uncannily accurate. Using this information artist Michael Anderson of the Yale Peabody Museum then created his own likeness of the mystery figure and cast it in plaster.

http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2005/05/050511133510.htm


Daynès based the skin tone on [COLOR="red"]an average shade of Egyptians today[/COLOR]
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/05/0510_051005_tutsface.html


Led by Zahi Hawass, head of Egypt's Supreme Council of Antiquities, a National Geographic Society team commissioned French experts to create the lifelike bust. Using the CT scans, French forensic anthropologist Jean-Noël Vignal determined the basic measurements and features of Tutankhamun's face. [COLOR="red"]Vignal deduced that Tutankhamun had a narrow nose, buck teeth, a receding chin, and Caucasian features. Such features are typical of European, North African, Middle Eastern, and Indian peoples.[/COLOR]


We know for a fact that Tut was not “black” based on the studies and the confirmation from Hawass. You wouldn’t be suggesting the highest ranking Egyptologist with numerious pages of credentials who has discovered over 250 mummies is lying are you? What do you base such an accusation on and why? It can only be because you do not agree with the most outspoken Egyptologist since it does not fit your racist agenda.[/B]


"[COLOR="Red"]Tutankhamun was not black, and the portrayal of ancient Egyptian civilization as black has no element of truth to it," [/COLOR]Hawass told reporters.
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/world/view_article.php?article_id=90699
[/QUOTE]


Alot of you Afronuts also make tese bogus claims of East Africans not being mixed without providing any proof to back it up. Study after study has proved that these people have Admixtures.

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rasol
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^ White Nerd.

Please do not pollute this forum with your retarded replies.

quote:
make tese bogus claims of East Africans not being mixed
^ Are Europeans mixed. Are they all unmixed?

The blondes and brunettes?

The pale skinned and olive skinned?

The curely haired and the straight haired.

Those who have almost entirely R1b lineaeges from paleolithic Europe, and those who have 25% East African E3b and another 25% Arabian Peninsula J?

Those Europeans with Benin Hbs sickle haplotype?

These Europeans....

 -

Unless you can prove Europeans are not mixed - which you can't - then mixture is irrelevant to your argument, and your reply is retarded.

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White Nord
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Yet you nor any of your pathetic friends could not refute a thing on my post! Fce it tut was white and East Africans aren't pure Africans.
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White Nord
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White Nord
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[QUOTE]Originally posted by White Nord:
The post above is the Work of Kellscross on stormfront, so you afrocentrics have your work cut out for you.

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Whatbox
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quote:
Originally posted by Sekhmet225:
The "race" of Ancient Egyptians will not make it belong to any one race of people because Egypt's greatness belongs to the human race;

True.

Please understand, that many on this board are simply opposed to disingenuous 'cover up' of Kemet's Africanity and the biased notion of Kemet being European or otherwise non-African.

quote:
.
I know his post isn't substantive at all, and diserves nothing more than to be ignored, but, it irks me a little. But I'm happy to educate:

quote:
Originally posted by White Nord:
Anton does not explain what makes him North African vs African in general.

I disagree with the above.

It is better for one to refrain from speaking unless one knows what he or she is talking about, like Dr. Susan C. Anton:

quote:
Anton:
"African ancestry, ***possibly** north african.

Why African, possibly North African?

...

quote:
"the skull overall, including aspects of the face, spoke fairly strongly of his African origins - the nose was a bit unusual.
However, she says:

quote:
north african came mostly from the shape of the face including the narrow nose opening, that is not entirely consistent with an 'African'designation.

...

I did say that the narrow nose was what led me to suggest North Africa as a possibility and that a narrow nose is more typically seen in Europe.

She knows this:

quote:
One of the human phenotypic traits that holds the greatest diversity is cranial morphology. Because of this fact, cranial features can at times be misleading if not taken into proper context. For example, for a long time features like long narrow faces and narrow noses have been associated with “caucasian” or “caucasoid” people even though such features are present in populations throughout the globe from Africa to the Americas. The same can be said about so-called “negroid” features such as broad faces and noses which are also not just confined to Africans but various peoples in Asia, the Pacific, the Americas ('African' Olmecs anyone?) etc.

Jean Hiernaux
The People of Africa(Peoples of the World Series)

"The oldest remains of Homo sapiens sapiens found in East Africa were associated with an industry having similarities with the Capsian. It has been called Upper Kenyan Capsian, although its derivation from the North African Capsian is far from certain. At Gamble's Cave in Kenya, five human skeletons were associated with a late phase of the industry, Upper Kenya Capsian C, which contains pottery. A similar association is presumed for a skeleton found at Olduvai, which resembles those from Gamble's Cave. The date of Upper Kenya Capsian C is not precisely known (an earlier phase from Prospect Farm on Eburru Mountain close to Gamble's Cave has been dated to about 8000 BC); but the presence of pottery indicates a rather later date, perhaps around 400 BC. The skeletons are of very tall people. They had long, narrow heads, and relatively long, narrow faces. The nose was of medium width; and prognathism, when present, was restricted to the alveolar, or tooth-bearing, region......all their features can be found in several living populations of East Africa, like the Tutsi of Rwanda and Burundi, who are very dark skinned and differ greatly from Europeans in a number of body proportions.............
From the foregoing, it is tempting to locate the area of differentiation of these people in the interior of East Africa. There is every reason to believe that they are ancestral to the living 'Elongated East Africans'. Neither of these populations, fossil and modern, should be considered to be closely related to the populations of Europe and western Asia."


African populations have had these traits since before 'caucasians' existed, but yes, narrow nasal morphologies are much more commonly found in homo sapian sapian populations adapted to living in drier, less tropical areas.

It's clear...

quote:
White Nord:Thus she classifies him as “North African.” [...] So is it African or North African? Or more specifically Caucasian [...] why Anton refuses to be specific in designating Tut a racial classification:
^you (and whoever's material it is you've posted but clearly adhere to) are the one who's/ones who are confused.

quote:
Anton:
I personally don't find that term all that useful and so I don't use it.

quote:
White Nord:
Ironic remark considering this is from someone who was paid to do the

quote:
Susan Anton:
“biological profile (assessment of age at death,sex and ancestry)”

This is because:

quote:
Which is why we have keen observations like these:

Jean Hiernaux "The People of Africa" 1975
p.53, 54

"In sub-Saharan Africa, many anthropological characters show a wide range of population means or frequencies. In some of them, the whole world range is covered in the sub-continent. Here live the shortest and the tallest human populations, the one with the highest and the one with the lowest nose, the one with the thickest and the one with the thinnest lips in the world. In this area, the range of the average nose widths covers 92 per cent of the world range: only a narrow range of extremely low means are absent from the African record. Means for head diameters cover about 80 per cent of the world range; 60 per cent is the corresponding value for a variable once cherished by physical anthropologists, the cephalic index, or ratio of the head width to head length expressed as a percentage....."

There's more:

quote:
Originally posted by Alive-(What Box):
quote:
Caucasian 1. adj. Of or being a purported human racial classification traditionally distinguished by light [?] to brown skin color [?] and including peoples indigenous to Europe, N Africa, W Asia, and India. Not in scientific use. 2. Of the Caucasus. n. 1. Anthro. A member of the Caucasian racial classification. 2. A native inhabitant of the Caucasus.
The Caucasus is a mountain region.

There's more:

quote:
Caucasoid adj. Of or relating to the Caucasian racial classification. Not in scientific use.
But most laymen will continue to do what they're free to: [Wink]

that is believe what they want to believe in regardless of factual basis or lack thereof.

I think these particular quotes were from my American heritage dictionary.

But you can get them from any modern dictionary.

The reason these terms are no longer in scientific use?

One reason is such skulls can be found all over the world, in the Americas, Africa, Europe, Asia, and the Pacific, and do not imply related ancetry.

For instance, Austrailians and Andaman Islanders may have a bit of a stereotypical African look, but they're actually closest related to Asians.

White Europeans and all shades of people in the Arabian peninsula in fact have more recent African ancestors than do they.

Accepting those types of racial labels is what has led to people claiming this

 -

is a 'negro', when infact it's an indigenous Meso-American.


quote:
White Nord:Caucasian nose [...] "negroid" or "black,"
quote:
and African does not denote race
Ofcourse not, as race is not a taxonomic reference for humans.

There are no species or even sub-species in humans, so, biologically, the concept of 'race' doesn't exist.

Only genetic relationships -closly related, or distant- between groups of people/populations.

You say North African as if you think it is exclusive of African, she doesn't, that's where you're confused.

The difference between North Africa and the rest of Africa is, that North Africans have a lot of recent, and historic genetic ties to many non-Africans, including SW Asians, and Europeans.

quote:
the American and French teams
 -

..didn't do a double-blinded reconstruction, as did this double-blinded unbias American team:

 -

Here are Africans with more narrow faces, who arez a tad wider in the nasal pathway, and who's noses (nostrils) are wider than that of Prince Tutankhamun.

 -

The thing about racial appearances, is that 99% of the difference is in soft tissue, which skeletons don't have.

Skeleton:

 -

Mummies:

 -

 -

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Sundjata
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quote:
You say North African as if you think it is exclusive of African, she doesn't, that's where you're confused.
Respectfully, I beg to disagree as I see it, Anton was a bit confused in her terminology as well in ascribing narrow noses accompanied by classic stereotyped "Africoid" traits such as prognathism, exclusively to North Africa. Though she does hold the position generally espoused by Keita, suggesting that Tut (specifically) and other INDIGENOUS northeast Africans (Arab North Africans are just that: Arab) aren't any more or less "African" than other native-born Africans who have little or nothing whatsoever to do with Europeans from Europe and other non-Africans. I believe that she was individually opposed to suggesting that Tut had any sort of "European" ancestry, but noted features usually seen universally in Africa, which isn't surprising.
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Sundjata
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quote:
Originally posted by Sekhmet225:
The "race" of Ancient Egyptians will not make it belong to any one race of people because Egypt's greatness belongs to the human race; as a people they belong to Egypt. And I'm sure Egypt's seen a pharoah in every shade. There can never be a fine racial line in a place where there was so much power and wealth. This term is evident even today. Egyptians where aware of racial differences but it didn't define or divide them. Let's take credit for Egypt as humanity and live all the details to the rightful owners of that great civilization: The Egyptians in every shade and hue.

LMAO @ some of these liberal historians who try and cast AE in the light of some sort of "All inclusive" society with no enemies. The facts are, that ancient Egyptians held off all or most invasions that would be able to shift the demographics, until the middle kingdom. We're speaking of the indigenous people who built Egypt to its wealth and power, not the people they shared it with. Those people were clearly native Africans from the Nile valley, no migration or diffusion hypothesis necessary.
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Whatbox
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Sundiata.

I have a question for you concerning the demographics of modern Egypt.

I know that no large scale migration from Asia could have happened prior to the Middle Kingdom.

And well into it - even given the Hyksos such a diffusion claim is questionable given the sheer 'bloody', and 'take no prisoners' nature of their invasion and expulsion.

My question is this:

When do we see the most significant shift in terms of Egypt's demographic?

If I'm not mistaken it occured during Greek rule?

This would be consistant with the fact of population continuity in terms of affinities from Pre-Dynastic on through Late Dynastic times.

Of course, this was a continuity *with gradual change* - there exists today a South-North cline generally with the more indigenous (like those in the Phaoronic era) in the South and those less-so in the North. But all are admixed with foreigners. No one denies this. Heck, the Beja (of Sudan) are believed to bear the closest resemblance to the citizens of ancient Kemet.

"There is limb ratio and craniofacial morphological and metric CONTINUITY in Upper-Egypt-Nubia in a broad sense from the late paleolithic through dynastic periods, although change occured." - Keita, Studies and Comments on Ancient Egyptian Biological Relationships.

...

"The variability in the population in Upper Egypt increased, as its isolation decreased, with increasing social complexity of southern Egypt from the predynastic through dynastic periods (Keita 1992). The Upper Egyptian population apparently began to converge skeletally on Lower Egyptian patterns through the dynastic epoch; whether this is primarily due to gene flow or other factors has yet to be finally determined. The Lower Egyptian pattern is intermediate to that of the various northern Europeans and West African and Khoisan." - Keita.

And you could still see many of the types of Dynastic times in modern Egypt. There was a wonderfully perfect example of this that Djehuti used to post, of these Egyptian kids wherein you could see individuals of "East African", so-called "Mediteranian", "West African", and traces of so-called 'Asian/Mongoliod/San' physical appearance.

But it got taken down.

 -
 -
 -
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 -
 -

 -

 -

...

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Sundjata
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Hey, Alive-(What Box).. I'd like to start off by saying that I retract my respectful disagreement with you in my post above because I misinterpreted what you wrote. With that said, moving on..

quote:
Originally posted by Alive-(What Box):
Sundiata.

I have a question for you concerning the demographics of modern Egypt.

I know that no large scale migration from Asia could have happened prior to the Middle Kingdom.

And well into it - even given the Hyksos such a diffusion claim is questionable given the sheer 'bloody', and 'take no prisoners' nature of their invasion and expulsion.

My question is this:

When do we see the most significant shift in terms of Egypt's demographic?

If I'm not mistaken it occured during Greek rule?

This would be consistant with the fact of population continuity in terms of affinities from Pre-Dynastic on through Late Dynastic times.

I was never really forced to think of it in those terms since as you say in this same post, I'd figured the shift was gradual. But literally, if I were to ponder where that shift was most accelerated, I'd have to agree as this is even reflected in one of Irish's dental studies. He'd found a continuity from the pre-dynastic Badarian, all the way into the late dynastic, that was abruptly broken during this era. The Greco-Roman mummy portraits of al-Fayyum also show some evidence of "mixing" among the Greek settlers (unless some of those Greeks already possessed some degree of African ancestry).

quote:
Of course, this was a continuity *with gradual change* - there exists today a South-North cline generally with the more indigenous (like those in the Phaoronic era) in the South and those less-so in the North. But all are admixed with foreigners. No one denies this. Heck, the Beja (of Sudan) are believed to bear the closest resemblance to the citizens of ancient Kemet.
Agreed. That's why it's so complicated though I do put more emphasis on the south when examining the presence of indigenous representatives of the ancient population. Despite the cline, as Keita points out:

"Cosmopolitan northern Egypt is less likely to have a population representative of the core indigenous population of the most ancient times".- Keita (2005), pp. 564

The Islamic invasions can't be overstated either. Such is ultimately responsible for the most enduring language shift, religious affiliation/shift, and cultural shift. It goes without saying that it was the source of a significant demographic shift as well. Egypt has been through a lot.

I also agree that the Beja (some of whom still live in southern Egypt) may be a fair representation of what an ancient Egyptian looked like.

quote:
"There is limb ratio and craniofacial morphological and metric CONTINUITY in Upper-Egypt-Nubia in a broad sense from the late paleolithic through dynastic periods, although change occured." - Keita, Studies and Comments on Ancient Egyptian Biological Relationships.

...

"The variability in the population in Upper Egypt increased, as its isolation decreased, with increasing social complexity of southern Egypt from the predynastic through dynastic periods (Keita 1992). The Upper Egyptian population apparently began to converge skeletally on Lower Egyptian patterns through the dynastic epoch; whether this is primarily due to gene flow or other factors has yet to be finally determined. The Lower Egyptian pattern is intermediate to that of the various northern Europeans and West African and Khoisan." - Keita.

And you could still see many of the types of Dynastic times in modern Egypt. There was a wonderfully perfect example of this that Djehuti used to post, of these Egyptian kids wherein you could see individuals of "East African", so-called "Mediteranian", "West African", and traces of so-called 'Asian/Mongoliod/San' physical appearance.

But it got taken down.

 -
 -
 -
 -
 -
 -

 -

 -

...

Yea, I'm not convinced AE was so mongrelized though. I see your point, but I wouldn't attribute those various features to such a wide geographic distribution (West Africa, Asia, "Mediteranian", or East African"). Modern Egyptians generally reflect those they came in contact with during AND after the decline of km't, while Kemetians generally seemed to trend towards the East African/Horn of Africa phenotypes, exceptions notwithstanding.

Nice pictures btw..

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Whatbox
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quote:
Originally posted by Sundiata:
I was never really forced to think of it in those terms since as you say in this same post, I'd figured the shift was gradual. But literally, if I were to ponder where that shift was most accelerated, I'd have to agree as this is even reflected in one of Irish's dental studies. He'd found a continuity from the pre-dynastic Badarian, all the way into the late dynastic, that was abruptly broken during this era. The Greco-Roman mummy portraits of al-Fayyum also show some evidence of "mixing" among the Greek settlers (unless some of those Greeks already possessed some degree of African ancestry).

quote:
Of course, this was a continuity *with gradual change* - there exists today a South-North cline generally with the more indigenous (like those in the Phaoronic era) in the South and those less-so in the North. But all are admixed with foreigners. No one denies this. Heck, the Beja (of Sudan) are believed to bear the closest resemblance to the citizens of ancient Kemet.
Agreed. That's why it's so complicated though I do put more emphasis on the south when examining the presence of indigenous representatives of the ancient population. Despite the cline, as Keita points out:

"Cosmopolitan northern Egypt is less likely to have a population representative of the core indigenous population of the most ancient times".- Keita (2005), pp. 564



Thankyou!

quote:
The Islamic invasions can't be overstated either. Such is ultimately responsible for the most enduring language shift, religious affiliation/shift, and cultural shift. It goes without saying that it was the source of a significant demographic shift as well. Egypt has been through a lot.
Well stated.

quote:

Nice pictures btw..

thanks
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Serpent Wizdom
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OT, I learned a lot about the mind of racist people through the back and forth debates of evileuro and others. For one, I learned that these people are terribly sick and don't have a peanuts worth of sanity.

But I must say I miss laughing at evil e...I got some of the most gut wrenching laughs when he was on this site about 3 years ago. I also learned a little about antropology in the process thanks to rasol, supercar, thought, ausar and others.

I need a really good laugh at this time: Can someone find evileuro, please... I hate to say it but I wish he had never been banned..

I learned a little something about debating and how not to let distractions take you away from the subject, mainly from people debating with his crazy arse.

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Occupation: TRUTH!!

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Egmond Codfried
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http://sankofaworldpublishers.com/Queen%20Tiye.jpg

Queen Tiye

King Tut's grandmother Queen Tiye

 -

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dana marniche
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In the 19th century and in the centuries previous European visitors to from the 19th century and before commonly contrasted the dark brown, “half-naked” and indigenous Fellaheen agriculturalists with the fair or pale-complexioned Turks dressed in robes and furs that had entered the country I large numbers. Today most natives of the United Arab Republic of Eygpt consider themselves (thanks to European colonials) representative of the indigenous people of ancient Egypt . However, it is clear that less than a century ago this was not the case. Most of the agriculturalists in Egypt had absorbed for centuries the incoming Bedouins of the Arabian peninsula who were evidently of the same color as the indigenous Egyptians as well as large numbers of slaves in early days from Asia and later mostly African and Slavic. On the other hand Turks in the 18th through 20th centuries made up a rather significant portion of Egypt ’s major cities and their descendants remain representative of the upper class of Egypt .

In 1845 - A traveling lawyer from the mid 19th century Dawson Borrer wrote of, “gaunt brown fellahs half unclad, women wrapped up in scanty unwashed garments… with their faces daubed in curious devices of blue paint… and naked children…” from A Journey from Naples to Jerusalem, by Way of Athens, Egypt and the Peninsula of Sinai…” p. 90 by Dawson Borrer, Esquire translation by M. Linant de Bellefonde.

Circa 1860s - Lucie A. Duff Gordon wrote of the appearance of Turkish Mamluk soldiers in Egypt that were fair and blue-eyed who “contrast curiously with the brown Fellaheen.” Gordon In Letters from Egypt 1863-1865 by p. 351-352 published by Elibron Classics in 2001. (Turk, Copts and Fellaheen)

1861 - William Henry Bartlett - “The streets swarm with Turks in splendid many-coloured robes, half naked brown skinned Arabs…” The Nile Boat, Or Glimpses of the Land of Egypt by William Henry Bartlett 1861 p. A. Hall, Virtue and Co.

From 1867A.D. - by Egyptologist Champolion-Figeac - “The first tribes that inhabited Egypt that is, the Nile Valley between the Syene cataracts and the sea, came from Abyssinia to Sennar. The ancient Egyptians belonged to a race quite similar to the Kennous or Barabras, present inhabitants of Nubia. In the Copts of Egypt we do not find any of the characteristic features of the ancient Egyptian population. The Copts are the result of crossbreeding with all the nations that have successively dominated Egypt . It is wrong to seek in them the principal features of the old race.” From Letters published by Champollion-Figeac

1870 – Samuel Sharpe on city of Alexandria in 1870, “…the poor of the city, as of old are the half naked brown-skinned Fellahs.” in The History of Egypt : From the Earliest Times ‘Til the Conquest of the Arabs Vol. II, p. 386, London : George Bell and Sons 1885.

1878 - On the nile at Farshut “the swarms of brown Fellaheen” are described in A Thousand Miles Up the Nile by Amelia Ann Blanford Edwards Vol. I 1878. p. 150 published by

1875 - The Fellaheen are described “chocolate brown” in the text, Contributions to the Ethnology of Egypt in the Journal of Anthropological Institute of Great Britiain and Ireland , Vol. 4, 1875, pp. 223-254

1879 - “If you have no wind you lie in the river and watch the idle flapping of the sail and the crowd of black and brown fellahs howling for baksheesh…” from Around the World with General Grant : A Narrative of the Visit of General U.S. Grant, Ex-President of the United States to Various Countries in Europe , Asia and Africa in 1877, 1878, 1879 published by John Russell Young, Volume I 1879.

1899 - About the city of Cairo and it’s fair-skinned Turks and its native Arab fellaheen “east of this line 500,000 brown skinned Arabs are living in the quaintest and most delightful, but at the same time dirtiest and most dilapidated streets.. Cairo has a population of some 600,000 inhabitants” p. 74 from The Redemption fo Egypt by William Basil Worsfold published in 1899 by G. Allen.
--------
14 August 2002, Issue No. 598, Cairo , AL -AHRAM

2002 - The Muslim News Online concerning upper class in Egypt and continued treatment of the darker or brown Egyptians:
“… racial prejudice is not exclusively directed at those from sub-Saharan Africa. Upper class Egyptians, often fairer than their poorer compatriots, invariably look down on lower class Egyptians who tend to be darker in complexion. There is a subtle correlation between lower income and darker complexion. The Egyptian upper classes and elites tend to be noticeably lighter in complexion than their poorer and working class compatriots. "They labour in the sun," is sometimes the cynical explanation.” Retrieved two August 27, 2008.

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D. Reynolds-Marniche

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humanity
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Id be happy to send her images of many west african terracotta heads that have "caucasoid" noses LOL,has she been down to the baltic areas of europe lately? no "caucasoid" noses there.

quote:
Originally posted by ausar:
From: "Susan C Anton" <susan.anton@nyu.edu> [Add to Address Book] Add to Address Book
To: email withheld


Date: Fri, 02 Sep 2005 12:26:22 -0400
Subject: Re: North African ''caucasoid'' and European nose opening Tut-ankh-amu

Dear name withheld,,
Thanks for your email. I actually didn't choose the term "North
African
Caucasoid" that is the term used by another team (there were three that
worked on separate reconstructions). The French team was responsible
for the reconstruction that was on the cover of National Geographic
Magazine and they also used that term.

Our team, myself and Michael Anderson of Yale, were the ones that did
the plaster reconstruction without knowledge of whose skull we were
working on. I did the biological profile (assessment of age at death,
sex and ancestry), Michael made the actual reconstruction. Based on
the
physical characters of the skull, I concluded that this was the skull
of
a male older than 15 but less than 21, and likely in the 18-20 year
range and of African ancestry, possibly north african. The possibly
north african came mostly from the shape of the face including the
narrow nose opening, that is not entirely consistent with an 'African'
designation. A narrow nose is more typical of more northerly located
populations because nose breadth is thought to be at least in part
related to the climate in which ancestral populations lived. A narrow
and tall nose is seen most frequently in Europeans. Tut's head was a
bit of a conundrum, but, as you note, there is a huge range of
variation
in modern humans from any area, so for me the skull overall, including
aspects of the face, spoke fairly strongly of his African origins - the
nose was a bit unusual. Because their is latitudinal variation in
several aspects of the skull (including nose size/shape), the
narrowness
of the nose suggested that he might be from a northerly group. This is
also, I presume, what the French focussed on. I have not been in
direct
contact with the French group, but my understanding is that by their
definition of 'caucasoid' they include Peoples from North Africa,
Peoples from Western Asia (and the Caucasus, from where the term
derives), and Eureopean peoples. So I don't think that they were
referring to a specific set of those peoples. I personally don't find
that term all that useful and so I don't use it. That it was
attributed
to me by the media is an incorrect attribution on their part. I also
never said he had a European nose, although I am sure I did say that
the
narrow nose was what led me to suggest North Africa as a possibility
and
that a narrow nose is more typically seen in Europe. Not a great
sound-bit that, so I guess it gets shortened to European nose.

As you also note, skin color today in North Africa can range from much
lighter than what they chose to much darker. And we don't know how
well today's range matches that of the past, although I suspect there
was also a range of variation in the past, as is normal for any
biological population. Michael's reconstruction did not include an
inference of skin color (or eye color), the French team's did and their
inference was, I understand, based on a 'average' skin tone for Egypt
today. I don't know the specifics of how they did that. I think,
however, it would have been as accurate to have had the same facial
reconstruction with either a lighter tone or a darker tone to the skin.
That said, skin and eye color will always be an inference.

I hope that helps explain.
Susan

Susan C. Antón
Joint Editor, Journal of Human Evolution
Director, MA Program in Human Skeletal Biology
Associate Professor, Center for the Study of Human Origins
Department of Anthropology NYU
25 Waverly Place,
New York, NY 10003
(212)992-9786

MA program website http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/anthro/programs/biology/index.html


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humanity
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rasol you are a genuis,E3b [east africans] are part of the large E african family they gave part of their genes to the meds and middle easterners so of course they'd end up sharing some dna results with those groups! whats the bet it was the ultra "progressive" horners [horn of africa] who gave the cro mags[R1b] thin noses!

quote:
Originally posted by rasol:
^ White Nerd.

Please do not pollute this forum with your retarded replies.

quote:
make tese bogus claims of East Africans not being mixed
^ Are Europeans mixed. Are they all unmixed?

The blondes and brunettes?

The pale skinned and olive skinned?

The curely haired and the straight haired.

Those who have almost entirely R1b lineaeges from paleolithic Europe, and those who have 25% East African E3b and another 25% Arabian Peninsula J?

Those Europeans with Benin Hbs sickle haplotype?

These Europeans....

 -

Unless you can prove Europeans are not mixed - which you can't - then mixture is irrelevant to your argument, and your reply is retarded.


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humanity
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This women could not look more african.

quote:
Originally posted by Egmond Codfried:
http://sankofaworldpublishers.com/Queen%20Tiye.jpg

Queen Tiye

King Tut's grandmother Queen Tiye

 -


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humanity
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people forget that africa is just as varied in phenotypes as the rest of the world.A malaysian does'nt look korean,a italian does'nt look like like an estonian et al,we have just as much variety.

 -

--------------------
remember mankind that you are dust and to dust you shall return.

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dana marniche
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The fact that this lady editing a respected and refereed journal on human evolution had the audacity to say that a narrow and tall nose is "more frequently seen among Europeans", as if she had never seen modern Somali, Ethiopian and Eritrean population shows why this debate is still going on after decades. The only difference is earlier physical anthropologists seemed to be more aware of the historical factors (like immigration), and the fact that most Egyptian skeletal remains were indistinguishable from those of 'Abyssinians" whom most of them nevertheless classified as "Caucasoids".

--------------------
D. Reynolds-Marniche

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Bob_01
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You can include other East Africans such as the Tutsis, and the Hausa-Fulani peoples of West Africa make up a greater population than the total white American population. Her comment is downright ridiculous.
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jaoilery
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zarahan aka Enrique Cardova
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quote:
Originally posted by qoucela:
The fact that this lady editing a respected and refereed journal on human evolution had the audacity to say that a narrow and tall nose is "more frequently seen among Europeans", as if she had never seen modern Somali, Ethiopian and Eritrean population shows why this debate is still going on after decades. The only difference is earlier physical anthropologists seemed to be more aware of the historical factors (like immigration), and the fact that most Egyptian skeletal remains were indistinguishable from those of 'Abyssinians" whom most of them nevertheless classified as "Caucasoids".

^^lol.. "most frequently seen among Europeans" is
dubious, if such reasoning is used to justify classifying
clearly African peoples as something other than African.
Sickle cell disease is seen more in Africa than Europe,
but you notice few European scientists are running
around saying "Tut is black" as a result, nor are
they running around saying "Greeks are black" because
Benin sickle-cell is found among Greeks. ANton
does note that the French researchers have very
stereotypical race categorization views. Interesting
particularly in view of how the French pose as such
"liberal" types in other ways. The struggle will
go on, but the Euro establishment has come a long
way since the ludicrously stereotypical claims
of the 1970s, 1980s and even 1990s.


------------------------------------------------------------

 -

http://news.discovery.com/history/tut-pharaoh-blood-disease.html

King Tut Died of Blood Disorder: Study
The new finding challenges past assertions that the famous pharaoh died of malaria.

Wed Jun 23, 2010 01:55 PM ET
Content provided by AFP

THE GIST

* A new study asserts that King Tutankhamun was likely killed by the genetic blood disorder sickle cell disease.
* A previous examination had revealed that Tut had died of malaria shortly after suffering a fall.


The man who financed the search for King Tut's tomb had his own buried treasures.

Legendary pharaoh Tutankhamun was probably killed by the genetic blood disorder sickle cell disease, German scientists said Wednesday, rejecting earlier research that suggested he died of malaria.

The team at the Bernhard Nocht Institute for Tropical Medicine in the northern city of Hamburg questioned the conclusions of a major Egyptian study released in February on the enigmatic boy-king's early demise.

That examination, involving DNA tests and computerized tomography (CT) scans on Tutankhamun's mummy, said he died of malaria after suffering a fall, putting to rest the theory that he was murdered.

But the German researchers said in a letter published online Wednesday by the Journal of the American Medical Association that closer scrutiny of his foot bones pointed to sickle cell disease, in which red blood cells become dangerously misshaped.

"We question the reliability of the genetic data presented in this (the Egyptian) study and therefore the validity of the authors' conclusions," the letter said.

"(The) radiological signs are compatible with osteopathologic lesions seen in sickle cell disease (SCD), a hematological disorder that occurs at gene carrier rates of nine percent to 22 percent in inhabitants of Egyptian oases."

Tutankhamun's death at about 19, after 10 years of rule between 1333 to 1324 B.C., has long been a source of speculation.

One of the most common genetic disorders, sickle cell disease causes blood cells to take the shape of a crescent instead of being smooth and round, thereby blocking blood flow and leading to chronic pain, infections and tissue death.

The researchers called for further DNA tests on Tutankhamun's mummy for a definitive cause of death.
------------------------------------------------------------------

Updated data on narrow noses:

 -


Tropical climates are extremely
diverse – from humid rainforest, to
higher altitude cold zones, to arid deserts
with sharply dropping night
temperatures. Scientists find that nose
width is correlated with climate – with
narrower noses seen in dry, conditions
such as desert areas in eastern parts of
Africa.


QUOTE: "Tropical climates range from
oppressively hot and humid lowlands to
cold, snow-covered mountains, from hot,
dry deserts to cold, dry deserts, from
extreme seasonal variability of
precipitation to nearly constant
year-round conditions."
--Huston. M. (1994) Biological diversity:
the coexistence of species on changing
landscapes Cambridge university Press.
p 498

QUOTE: "An important function of the
nose is to warm and moisten inspired air.
When air is exhaled, some heat and
moisture are lost to the surroundings.
The longer the nasal passage, the more
efficient the nose is for warming and
moistening incoming air and also the
less heat and moisture are lost on
exhalation. A narrow, high nose gives a
longer nasal passage than a low, broad
nose. Therefore, in cold or dry
conditions, a high, narrow nose is
preferable for warming and moistening
air before it reaches the lings, and for
reducing loss of heat and moisture in
expired air. In hot, humid conditions a
low, broad nose serves to dissipate heat
(Wolpoff 1968; Franciscis and Long
1991)... The pattern of variation in nasal
index corresponds very broadly to that
expected if nasal form is indeed an
adaptation to regional climate.

The highest nasal index values, representing
broad, low noses, tend to be those of
populations in humid tropical regions of
Africa and south-east Asia. Populations
with low mean nasal indices (high,
narrow noses) tend to be found in the
cold, northern latitudes, and also in arid
regions, such as the desert areas of east
Africa and the Arabian peninsula.
..Davies found the nasal index taken in
the living was closely correlated with
skeletal nasal index. This suggests that
there should likewise be an association
between skeletal nasal index and
climatic zone, and indeed other workers
have found this to be the case.“
-- Mays. S. (2010). The Archaeology of
Human Bones. Pg 100-101


2011 study finds significant
correlation between nasal shape and
climate. Dry areas are common in
tropical zone micro-climates such as
deserts.


QUOTE: “"The nasal cavity is essential
for humidifying and warming the air
before it reaches the sensitive lungs.
Because humans inhabit environments
that can be seen as extreme from the
perspective of respiratory function, nasal
cavity shape is expected to show
climatic adaptation.. We report
significant correlations between nasal
cavity shape and climatic variables of
both temperature and humidity.
Variation in nasal cavity shape is
correlated with a cline from cold-dry
climates to hot-humid climates, with a
separate temperature and vapor pressure
effect. "
-- Noback, M. et al. (2011)
Climate-related variation of the human
nasal cavity. AJPA, 145: 4. 599-614

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Ish Geber
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For the Saqaliba above, shut up.
Posts: 22234 | From: האם אינכם כילדי הכרית אלי בני ישראל | Registered: Nov 2010  |  IP: Logged | Report this post to a Moderator
userman
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quote:
Originally posted by userman:
Stanley Crouch

The Afrocentric Hustle

Though their claims have little intellectual substance, advocates of Afrocentrism press their agenda by appealing to resentment and guilt.



Our democracy is founded in tragic optimism, an acceptance of human frailty that is not defeatist. Like the blues singer, our American job is to address the universal limitations of life and the foibles of human character while asserting a lyrical but unsentimental high-mindedness. Like the doctor, our democracy must face the unavoidable varieties of disease, decay, and death, yet maintain
commitment to birth, to health, to the infinite possibilities and freedoms that can result from successful research and experimentation.

It is, therefore, our democratic duty to cast a cold eye on the life of our policies. We have to weed out corruption whenever we encounter it and redeem ourselves from bad or naive policy, either by making fresh experiments or by returning to things that once worked but were set aside for new approaches that promised to do the job better. If we don’t accept these democratic duties, we will continue to allow intellectual con artists and quacks to raise their tents and hang their shingles on our campuses.

The emergence of Afrocentrism has revealed a continuing crisis in the intellectual assessment of race, history, and culture in our nation. It is another example of how quickly we will submit to visions that are at odds with the heroic imperative of uniting our society. Quite obviously, when it comes to skin tone and complaint, we remain ever gullible, willing to sponsor almost any set of conceptions that makes fresh accusations against our society. In that sense, Afrocentrism is also a commentary on the infinite career possibilities of our time. Just as almost anything can be sold as art, almost any idea capable of finding a constituency can make its way onto our campuses and into our discussions of policy.

In the interest of doing penance, we will accept a shaky system of thought if it makes use of the linguistic pressure points that allow us to experience the sadomasochistic rituals we accept in place of the hard study and responsible precision that should be brought to the continuing assessment of new claims and new ideas. Our desperate good will pushes us to pretend that these flagellation rituals have something to do with facing the facts about injustice in our country and in the history of the world. The refusal to accept the tragic fundamentals of human life has led to our bending before a politics of blame in which all evil can be traced to the devil’s address, which is, in some way, the address of the privileged and the successful. We have borrowed from the realm of therapy the idea that our parents are to blame for our problems, and projected it onto the larger society, absolving the so-called oppressed from responsibility for their actions. We don’t understand—as did the geniuses who shaped the Constitution—that we must always be so cynical about new ways of abusing power that we remain ever wary of intellectual and political pollution.

As a movement, Afrocentrism is another of the clever but essentially simple-minded hustles that have come about over the last 25 years, promoted by what was once called “the professional Negro”—a person whose “identity” and “struggle” constituted a commodity. James Baldwin was a master of the genre, as a writer, public speaker, and television guest, but he arrived before his brand of engagement by harangue was institutionalized. Now, as for most specious American ideas claiming to “get the story straight,” the best market for this commodity is our universities, where it sells like pancakes, buttered by the naive indignation of students and sweetened by gushes of pitying or self-pitying syrup.

Though at its core Afrocentrism has little intellectual substance, it has benefited from the overall decline of faith that has caused intellectuals to fumble the heroic demands of our time. The discontinuity of ideals and actions and the long list of atrocities committed in the name of God and country have convinced many Western intellectuals that the only sensible postures are those of the defeatist and the cynic. Like the tenured Marxist, the Afrocentrist will use the contradiction to define the whole; he or she asserts that Western civilization, for all its pretty ideas, is no more than the work of imperialists and racists who seek an invincible order of geopolitical domination, inextricably connected to profit and exploitation of white over black. The ideals of Western democracies that have struggled to push their policies closer to the universal humanism of the Enlightenment are scoffed at. Where the Marxist looks forward to a sentimental paradise of workers uber alles, the Afrocentrist speaks of a paradise lost and the possibility of a paradise regained—if only black people will rediscover the essentials of their African identity.

For all its pretensions to expanding our vision, the Afrocentrist movement is not propelled by a desire to bring about any significant enrichment of our American culture. What Afrocentrists almost always want is power—the power to be the final arbiter of historical truth, no matter how flimsy their case might be. Like most conspiracy theorists, Afrocentrists accept only their own sources of argument and “proof”; all else is defined as either willfully flawed or brought to debate solely to maintain a vision of history and ideas in which Europe is preeminent. Thus, the worst insult is that critics are “Eurocentric.” Further, when charged with shoddy scholarship, the Afrocentrist retorts that his purportedly revolutionary work uses means of research and assessment outside “European methodology.” However superficial that defense might seem, an important tradition in our country’s history makes it seem at least plausible at first glance. Americans have, from the sciences to the arts, as often as not had to invent the forms that allowed for the purest expressions of our political imagination, national sensibility, and multiethnic history. The Gettysburg
Address, the Second Inaugural of March 1865, the electric fight, the phonograph, the motion picture camera, the grammar of film, and the improvisational riches of jazz are the creations of homegrown geniuses such as Lincoln, Edison, Griffith, and Armstrong, who made it abundantly clear that the academy isn’t the only path to grand accomplishment.

Jazz is one of the most important examples of this. It is a perfectly democratic music that reached its peaks outside of “European methodology. “ It has both intuitive geniuses like Louis Armstrong and Billie Holiday and unarguable intellectuals like Duke Ellington and Dizzy Gillespie. Both were rejected by the academy once upon a twentieth-century time. Those with a simple explanation attribute it all to race, which can by no means be left out of the discussion. But we must remember that white jazz musicians were not embraced either, no matter how popular, and that most major aesthetic movements of this century were controversial worldwide. In short, the academic and critical resistance met by jazz musicians was also met by Picasso, Joyce, and Stravinsky.

Jazz musicians weren’t initially accepted in academic circles because, though they could hear harmonic structures perfectly, the intuitives didn’t use theoretical terminology. The intellectuals could, but it took both to make jazz. The intuitives and the intellectuals had one thing in common, however—the ability to achieve objective aesthetic logic. That is why the music grew with such speed and drew depth and breadth from every kind of talent.

So when Afrocentrists defend low-quality work with assertions about the limitations of “European methodology,” they arc drawing upon the American tradition of achievements in political thought, technology, cinema, and jazz that were developed outside the academy to defend themselves. They ignore, however, the objective quality of those achievements. As Gerald Early points out, Afrocentrists have bootlegged the deconstructionist idea that there is no such thing as objective value; a thing’s “value” is merely the reflection of a cultural consensus.

Afrocentrists also reject education as “Eurocentric indoctrination.” They maintain that Western history as written is an unrelenting cultural war that aims to justify and maintain the subjugation of African peoples, and, when literal subjugation is not the goal, to impose upon them a self-hating idolatry of all that is European or European-derived. Afrocentrism, then, presents itself as ethnic liberation, a circling of the wagons within the academy, a bringing down of Eurocentric authority by black intellectual rebellion.

At the same time, Afrocentrists—like those who promote other protest versions of study—want the respect given to traditional disciplines without having to measure up to the standards of traditional research. Though ever scoffing at the academy, they want the prestige and the benefits that come of being there. Thus, Afrocentrism is the career path of a purported radical who seeks tenure. Its proponents justify this on the grounds that the campaign is at least partially one of evangelizing black people about their African heritage. What better battlegrounds than the campuses of tenuring institutions?

A central tenet of Afrocentrism is that Egypt was black and that Greco-Roman civilization was the result of its influence. The foundation of Western civilization, therefore, is African. This is a relatively sophisticated version of Elijah Muhammad’s Yacub myth in which the white man is invented by a mad black scientist determined to destroy the world through an innately evil creature. Why this obsession with Egypt being African and black? Firstly, monuments. There is no significant African architecture capable of rivaling the grand wonders of the world, European or not. Secondly, Africa has no body of thought comparable to that upon which Western civilization has developed its morality, governmental structures, technology, economic systems, and its literary, dramatic, plastic, and musical arts. None of these facts bespeaks an innate black inferiority, but they were used to justify the barbaric treatment of subject peoples by colonial powers waging ruthless campaigns for chattel labor and natural resources.

In fact, the Afrocentrist argument is not with the Western tradition of inquiry, not with the democratic belief that greatness can arise from any point on the social spectrum, and not with the ideas of the Enlightenment that led to the abolition of slavery. Afrocentrism is a debate with the colonial vision of non-Europeans as inferior that has long been under attack from within Western democracies themselves. The Afrocentrist arguments, which are rooted in nationalism, pluralism, and cultural relativity, have their origins in the Western tradition of critical discourse. Afrocentrism is absolutely Western, despite the name changes and African costumes of its advocates.

Afrocentrism benefits from the obsession with “authenticity” of this mongrel nation of ours. More than a few of us yearn for an aristocratic pedigree. If family won’t do, then we might snatch the unwieldy crown of race to distinguish ourselves. This has been the appeal of both the Ku Klux Man and the Nation of Islam. Membership allows one to rise from the bottom and suddenly become part of an elite. Poor “white trash” become “real” white men when performing violent acts in defense of “white civilization.” Negro criminals, embracing a distorted version of Islam, come to understand that the white man is “the devil” and that the black race is the original parent of humankind. College students swallow Afrocentrism and conclude that all their problems are the result of not possessing an “African-centered” worldview.

These are also responses to humiliation. That humiliation is the source of the hysteria that gives such a terrible aspect to the desire to be done with all niceties, to utterly destroy the structure that has engendered the feeling of inferiority or of helplessly being had from the first encounter up to the present. Such response is an expression of having taken the insults of the opposition too seriously, a retreat from engagement, a dismissal of complexity in favor of the home team, a racial isolationist policy.

To justify the myopic vision that emerges requires a list of atrocities—real, exaggerated, and invented. The great tragedies of the white South were the loss of the Civil War and the humiliations of Reconstruction; for the black nationalist, the great tragedies were slavery, the colonial exploitation of Africa, and the European denial of the moral superiority of African culture and civilization, beginning with Egypt.

Our list of grievances may be specific to our particular ethnic or regional history, but the ideas that lie beneath our response evolved from the conflicts between the French and the Germans following the Thirty Years War. When Frederick the Great invited the French into Germany in the eighteenth century, French culture was the most admired in Europe, while Germany had contributed very little to the Renaissance. In today’s terminology, Germany was “underdeveloped.” Eventually, a whole school of rebellious German thought came into being, attacking the French worship of reason and the idea that there was one cultural standard by which all good, mediocrity, and baseness could be judged. When Isaiah Berlin describes outraged German thinking in The Crooked Timber of Humanity, he could be speaking as easily of Afrocentrism and the cultural relativism that has been absorbed by Western society in general from the discipline of anthropology:

The sages of Paris reduce both knowledge and life to systems of contrived rules, the pursuit of external goods, for which men prostitute themselves, and sell their inner freedom, their authenticity; men, Germans, should seek to be themselves, instead of imitating—aping—strangers who have no connection with their own real natures and memories and ways of life. A man’s powers of creation can only be exercised fully on his own native heath, living among men who are akin to him, physically and spiritually, those who speak his language, amongst whom he feels at home, with whom he feels that he belongs. Only so can true cultures be generated, each unique, each making its own peculiar contribution to human civilization, each pursuing its own values its own way, not to be submerged in some general cosmopolitan ocean which robs all native cultures of their particular substance and colour, of their national spirit and genius, which can only flourish on its own soil, from its own roots, stretching back into a common past.

Afrocentrism’s success is due to the fact that it reiterates those arguments, which have become central to the Western cultural debate. But we fail ourselves if we give in to the idea that because all human communities have equal access to greatness all cultures are equal. They are not, and the ignorance, squalor, and disease of the Third World make that quite obvious, just as the rise of the Third Reich and the recent slide into overt tribalism in Eastern Europe prove that no ideas or traditions make us forever invincible to the barbarian call of the wild. Yet if there were not something intrinsically superior about the way in which the West has gathered and ordered knowledge, other cultures wouldn’t so easily fall under the sway of what André Malraux called “The Temptation of the West.” The West has put together the largest and richest repository of human culture, primarily because the vision of universal humanism and the tradition of scientific inquiry have led to the most impressive investigations into human life and the natural world. It is Western curiosity and the conscience of democracy that have made so many inroads against barbarism within and without.

This is obvious to Afrocentrists, but it is not in their career interests to look with equal critical vision at the West and the rest of the world; it would make things less reducible to soap opera politics, to the maudlin elevation of simplistic good and evil. Then the real question of bringing together one’s ethnic heritage with one’s human heritage would need to be addressed. It wouldn’t be so easy to manipulate the emotions of administrators and insecure students. Embracing a circumscribed ethnic identity wouldn’t be seen as a form of therapy, a born-again experience enabling one to cease being an American shackled by feelings of inferiority and to become a confident, wise African.

The Afrocentrist goal is quite similar to that of the white South in the wake of Reconstruction. Having lost the shooting war, white racists won the policy war, establishing a segregated society in which racial interests took precedence over the national vision of democratic rights. The result was nearly a century of struggle before the Constitution—through blood, thunder, and jurisprudence—took its rightful place as the law of the land, with no states’ rights arguments accepted. Knowingly or not, the Afrocentrist responds to the fact that black nationalists and their “revolutionary” counterparts lost the struggle for the black community in the Sixties. In the wake of submission at a latter-day Appomattox—the dissolution of black nationalism and groups like the Black Panthers—the Afrocentrist wishes to replicate the success of white segregationists. Like the segregationist, the Afrocentrist wants to benefit from the power and prosperity of the country while holding at arm’s length anything incompatible with a vision of race as a social absolute. The Afrocentrist is waging a policy war through a curriculum that preaches perpetual alienation of black and white, no matter how far removed from the truth it may be. By attempting to win the souls of black college students and to fundamentally influence what is taught to black children in public schools, the Afrocentrist seeks a large enough constituency to bring about what white segregationists once promised—a society that is “separate but equal.”

Yet the central failure of Afrocentrism is that it doesn’t recognize what Afro-Americans have done, which is to realize over and over, and often against imposing obstacles, the possibilities inherent in democratic society. Lincoln recognized this when he told his secretary that, given his point of social origin, Frederick Douglass was probably the most meritorious man in the entire United States. Originating in tribes whose levels of sophistication were laughable compared to the best of Europe, black Americans have risen to the top of every profession in our society—as scientists, educators, aviators, politicians, artists, lawyers, judges, athletes, military leaders, and so on.

This achievement was hard-won. At its root was a cultural phenomenon. Instead of expressing their submission to white people by embracing Christianity, as black nationalists always claim, Afro-Americans recognized the extraordinary insights into human frailty that run throughout the Old Testament, and the fact that the New Testament contains perhaps the greatest blues line of all time—”Father, why hast thou forsaken me?” In essence, the harsh insights of the Bible were perfectly compatible with the cold-eyed affirmation of the blues, and from those spiritual and secular foundations an indelibly American sensibility evolved, one perfectly suited to the demands of this society. The result is an incredibly long line of achievements that predate the narrow black nationalism that would segregate the world and its culture into the Eurocentric or Afrocentric, and which are the very best arguments against all forms of prejudice.

We all deny that tradition of hard-won achievement whenever our conciliatory cowardice gets the best of us and we treat black people like spoiled children who shouldn’t be asked to meet the standards that the best of all Americans have met. When the records need to be set straight, set them straight. When there is new information that will enrich our understanding of human grandeur and human folly, make that information part of the ongoing dialogue that has shaped Western civilization’s conscience and will. But we can never forget that our fate as Americans is, finally, collective, and that we fail our mission as a democratic nation whenever we remake the rules or distort the truth in the interest of satisfying a constituency unwilling to assert the tragic optimism so intrinsic to the blues and to the Constitution.


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jessicatian
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believe youself,it's not difficult for you to be excellent if you believe in yourself and put your effort in it

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Ish Geber
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The jealous, unintelligent, untalented and hateful dumb piece of sh*t above doesn't know that Abdul Rahman Ibrahim a Senegalese Prince, is actually the story by Alex Haley's book ROOTS.


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He just criticizes anybody and everything as way to make money, aka a hustle. So he swings his arms left and right in hopes he may hit, something?looool


Here you can see him being destroyed by Jazz R&B composer James Mtume.


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Composer James Mtume Destroys Jazz Critic Stanley Crouch in a Debate about Miles Davis

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4OLqid9RABs

Part 2: Composer James Mtume Destroys Jazz Critic Stanley Crouch in a Debate about Miles

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jAtaxon9t5g&feature=related


The Great Miles Davis,


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hFMPblcipcw

The highly talented Mtume,

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SYl5yzqeaLE&feature=related


In other areas he, stanley crouch gets destroyed too. Like in history, anthropology, archaeology, egyptology, population genetics etc...

Posts: 22234 | From: האם אינכם כילדי הכרית אלי בני ישראל | Registered: Nov 2010  |  IP: Logged | Report this post to a Moderator
Ish Geber
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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...

Augustin F.C. Holl et al.

Museum of Anthropology, The University of Michigan, 2009.

Coping with uncertainty: Neolithic life in the Dhar Tichitt-Walata, Mauritania, (ca. 4000–2300 BP)



Abstract

The sandstone escarpment of the Dhar Tichitt in South-Central Mauritania was inhabited by Neolithic agropastoral communities for approximately one and half millennium during the Late Holocene, from ca. 4000 to 2300 BP. The absence of prior evidence of human settlement points to the influx of mobile herders moving away from the “drying” Sahara towards more humid lower latitudes. These herders took advantage of the peculiarities of the local geology and environment and succeeded in domesticating bulrush millet – Pennisetum sp. The emerging agropastoral subsistence complex had conflicting and/or complementary requirements depending on circumstances. In the long run, the social adjustment to the new subsistence complex, shifting site location strategies, nested settlement patterns and the rise of more encompassing polities appear to have been used to cope with climatic hazards in this relatively circumscribed area. An intense arid spell in the middle of the first millennium BC triggered the collapse of the whole Neolithic agropastoral system and the abandonment of the areas. These regions, resettled by sparse oasis-dwellers populations and iron-using communities starting from the first half of the first millennium AD, became part of the famous Ghana “empire”, the earliest state in West African history.

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For more, here is an excellent thread by Jari, elaborating on this particular aspect.


http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic;f=8;t=007501;p=1#000000


Anthropology Unit of the University of Geneva: Ounjougou


The Neolithic at Ounjougou is represented by three broad and distinct phases of settlement, marked by significant techno-economic and cultural changes.

Between 9,500 and 7,000 BC, the Early Neolithic saw the precocious emergence of pottery, which appeared at the same time as the development of a strategies for selective and intensive foraging for grains in a landscape of vast grassy plains. The Middle Neolithic is particularly known for a technological aspect – the specialized production of bifacial points on quartzitic sandstone, dated between the 6th and 4th millennia BC.

The Late Neolithic is associated with pronounced cultural and economic changes, with the influence around 2,500 BC of populations arriving from the Sahara, followed by the arrival after 1,800 BC of the first millet cultivators in the region (see the article "The Late Neolithic").

The Neolithic of the Dogon Plateau ended around 300 BC, with the onset of an extremely arid climatic episode.

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Anthropology Unit of the University of Geneva: Ounjougou

Rice University Susan Keech McIntosh and Roderick J. McIntosh

Roderick and Susan McIntosh excavated at Jenne-jeno and neighboring sites in 1977 and 1981 and returned in 1994 for coring and more survey, with funding from the National Science Foundation of the United States, the American Association of University Women, and the National Geographic Society (1994). This research formed the basis of their Ph.D. dissertations at Cambridge University and the University of California at Santa Barbara, respectively. The McIntoshes have published two monographs and numerous articles on their archaeological research in the Middle Niger. They are professors of anthropology at Rice University in Houston, Texas, and they continue to collaborate with Malian colleagues from the Institut des Sciences Humaines on research along the Middle Niger.

For centuries, the upper Inland Niger Delta of the Middle Niger between modern Mopti and Segou has been a vital crossroads for trade. Historical sources, such as the 1828 account of the French explorer Rene Caillié, as well as local Tarikhs (histories written in Arabic) detail for us the central role that Jenne played in the commercial activities of the Western Sudan during the last 500 years. The seventeenth century author of the Tarikh es-Sudan, al-Sadi, wrote that "it is because of this blessed town that camel caravans come to Timbuktu from all points of the horizon". In the famous "Golden Trade of the Moors", gold from mines far to the south was transported overland to Jenne, then trans-shipped on broad-bottom canoes (pirogues) to Timbuktu, and thence by camel to markets in North Africa and Europe. Leo Africanus reported in 1512 that the extensive boat trade on the Middle Niger involved massive amounts of cereals and dried fish shipped from Jenne to provision arid Timbuktu. Today, the stunning mud architecture of Jenne in distinctive Sudanic style is a legacy of its early trade ties with North Africa. Three kilometers to the southeast, the large mound called Jenne-jeno (ancient Jenne) or Djoboro (Pl. 1)  is claimed by oral traditions as the original settlement of Jenne. Barren and carpeted by a thick layer of broken pottery, Jenne-jeno lay mute for decades, its history and significance totally unknown. Scientific excavations in the 1970's and 1980's revealed that the mound is composed of over five meters of debris accumulated during sixteen centuries of occupation that began c. 200 B.C.E. These excavations, in addition to more than doubling the period of known history for this region, provided some surprises regarding the local development of society. The results indicated that earlier assumptions about the emergence of complex social organization in urban settlements and the development of long-distance trade as innovations appearing only after the arrival of the Arabs in North Africa in the seventh and eighth centuries were incorrect. The archaeology of Jenne- jeno and the surrounding area clearly showed an early, indigenous growth of trade and social complexity. The importance of this discovery has resulted in the entry of Jenne- jeno, along with Jenne, on the list of UNESCO World Heritage sites.

 

The early settlement at Jenne-jeno.

It appears that permanent settlement first became possible in the upper Inland Niger Delta in about the third century B.C.E. Prior to that time, the flood regime of the Niger was apparently much more active, meaning that the annual floodwaters rose higher and perhaps stayed longer than they do today, such that there was no high land that regularly escaped inundation. Under these wetter circumstances, diseases carried by insects, especially tsetse fly, would have discouraged occupation. Between 200 B.C.E. and 100 C.E., the Sahel experienced significant dry episodes, that were part of the general drying trend seriously underway since 1000 B.C.E. Prior to that time, significant numbers of herders and farmers lived in what is today the southern Sahara desert, where they raised cattle, sheep and goat, grew millet, hunted, and fished in an environment of shallow lakes and grassy plains. As the environment became markedly drier after 1000 B.C.E., these populations moved southward with their stock in search of more reliable water sources. Oral traditions of groups from the Serer and Wolof of Senegal to the Soninke of Mali trace their origins back to regions of southern Mauritania that are now desert. As these stone-tool-using populations slowly moved along southward-draining river systems, they found various more congenial environments. One of these was the great interior floodplain of the Middle Niger, with its rich alluvial soil and a flood regime that was well-suited to the cultivation of rice. The earliest deposits, nearly six meters deep at Jenne- jeno  (Pl. 2)  have yielded the hulls of domesticated rice, sorghum, millet, and various wild swamp grasses. The population that settled at Jenne-jeno used and worked iron, fashioning the metal into both jewelry and tools. This is interesting , since there are no sources of iron ore in the floodplain. The earliest inhabitants of Jenne-jeno were already trading with areas outside the region. They also imported stone grinders and beads. The presence of two Roman or Hellenistic beads in the early levels suggests that a few very small trade goods were reaching West Africa, probably after changing hands through many intermediaries. We have not detected any evidence of influences from the Mediterranean world on the local societies at this time.

The original settlement appears to have occurred on a small patch of relatively high ground, and was probably restricted to a few circular huts of straw coated with mud daub. We find many pieces of burnt daub with mat impressions on them in the earliest levels. The pottery associated with this early material is from small, finely-made vessels with thin walls. Artifacts and housing material of this kind persist until c. 450 C.E., occurring over progressive larger area of Jenne-jeno. This indicates that the site was growing larger. In fact, by 450 C.E., the settlement had expanded to at least 25 hectares (over 60 acres).

 

Jenne-jeno's floruit: 450-1100 C.E.

In the deposits dated from the fifth century, there are definite indications that the organization of society is changing. We find organized cemeteries, with interments in large burial urns (Pl. 3)   as well as inhumations outside of urns in simple pits, on the edge of the settlement. From an excavation unit on the western edge of Jenne-jeno, we found evidence that the site was enlarged by quarrying clay from the floodplain and mounding it at the edge of the site New trade items appear, such as copper, imported from sources a minimum of several hundred kilometers away, and gold from even more distance mines. A smithy was installed near one of our central excavation units around 800 C.E. to mold copper and bronze into ornaments, and to forge iron. Smithing continued in this locale for the next 600 years, suggesting that craftsmen had become organized in castes and operated in specific locales, much as we see in Jenne today.


The round houses at Jenne-jeno were constructed with tauf, or puddled mud, foundations, from the fifth to the ninth century. During this time, the settlement continued to grow, reaching its maximum area of 33 hectares by 850 C.E. We know that this is so because sherds of the distinctive painted pottery that was produced at Jenne-jeno only between 450-850 C.E. are present in all our excavation units, even those near the edge of the mound. And we find them at the neighboring mound of Hambarketolo, too, suggesting that these two connected sites totaling 41 hectares (100 acres) functioned as part of a single town complex (Pl. 4).

In the ninth century, two noticeable changes occur (Pl. 5): tauf house foundations are replaced by cylindrical brick architecture, and painted pottery is replaced by pottery with impressed and stamped decoration. The source of these novelties is unknown, although we can say that they did not involve any fundamental shift in the form or general layout of either houses or pottery. So it is unlikely that any major change in the ethnic composition of Jenne-jeno was associated with the changes. Change with continuity was the prevailing pattern. One of the earliest structures built using the new cylindrical brick technology (Pl. 6)  was apparently the city wall, which was 3.7 meters wide at its base and ran almost two kilometers around the town. All these indications of increasingly complex social organization are particularly important in helping us understand the indigenous context of the Empire of Ghana, an influential confederation that consolidated power within large areas to the north and west of the Inland Niger Delta sometime after 500 C.E.. To date, Jenne-jeno provides our only insight into the nature of change and complexity in the Sahel prior to the establishment of the trans-Saharan trade. Although some excavations have been conducted at the presumed capital of Ghana, Kumbi Saleh (in southeastern Mauritania), these focused on the stone-built ruins dating to the period of the trans-Saharan trade.


As we currently understand the archaeology of the entire Jenne region, where over 60 archaeological sites rise from the floodplain within a 4 kilometer radius of the modern town (Pl. 7)   , many of these sites were occupied at the time of Jenne-jeno's floruit between 800-1000 C.E.. We have suggested that this extraordinary settlement clustering resulted from a clumping of population around a rare conjunction of highly desirable features (Pl. 8)  : excellent rice-growing soils, levees for pasture in the flood season, deep basin for pasture in the dry season and access to both major river channels and the entire inland system of secondary and tertiary marigots from communication and trade.

 

Decline: C.E. 1200-1400

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the first unambiguous evidence of North African or Islamic influences appears at Jenne-jeno in the form of brass, spindle whorls, and rectilinear houses. This occurs within a century of the traditional date of 1180 C.E. for the conversion of Jenne's king (Koi) Konboro to Islam, according to the Tarikh es-Sudan. After this point, Jenne-jeno begins a 200-year long period of decline and gradual abandonment, before it becomes a ghost town by 1400. We can speculate that Jenne-jeno declined at the expense of Jenne, perhaps related to the ascendancy of the new religion, Islam, over traditional practice. The continued practice of urn burial at Jenne-jeno through the fourteenth century tells us that many of the site's occupants did not convert to Islam. The production of terracotta statuettes in great numbers throughout the period and even into the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries elsewhere in the Inland Niger Delta may mark loci of resistance, within the context of traditional religious practice, to Islam or the leaders who practiced it. Whatever the cause of Jenne-jeno's abandonment, it was part of a larger process whereby most of the settlements occupied around Jenne in 1000 C.E. lay deserted by 1400. What caused such a realignment of the local population? Again, we can only speculate. Some people likely converted to Islam and moved to Jenne, where wealth and commercial opportunities were increasingly concentrated. But there is also the fact that the climate grew increasingly dry from 1200 C.E., causing tremendous political upheavals further north, and prompting virtual abandonment of whole regions (e.g., the Mema, studied by Malian archaeologist Tereba Togola) that could no longer sustain herds and agriculture. Some, if not all, of these factors were probably implicated in the decline of Jenne-jeno.

 Jenne-jeno is easy to reach from Jenne, and its surface traces of ancient houses and pottery are evocative of its rich history. Peering into the deep erosion gullies that scar the surface, one literally looks backward in time over 1000 years.

 

Sources

Jenne-Jeno, an African City.

http://www.ruf.rice.edu/~anth/arch/niger/broch-eng.html

Rice News: The Pillaging of Ancient Africa


Archeology, Pre-Dogon & Dogon

Excavations at Songona 2. Photo A. Mayor

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The phase of pre-Dogon settlement began close to the beginning of the Common Era, several centuries after the end of the Late Neolithic. The populations used objects made of iron and, probably in the second half of the 1st mill. AD, began to master its production. As a whole, the technological and stylistic characteristics of pottery at pre-Dogon sites dated between the 2nd and the 13th centuries is clearly differentiated from that of the Late Neolithic. Such differences include the appearance of new décors made by several kinds of rollers and by woven impressions. This new cultural context places the Dogon Country at the intersection of three different ethnolinguistic spheres – Mande, Gur and Soghay -, for which the influences vary according to region and period.

Oral sources place Dogon settlement in an interval between the 13th and 15th centuries. Within this same period, archaeological research has demonstrated a new cultural break, evidence by the important amount of pottery made by pounding the clay on a baobab mat, typical of one of the five modern ceramic traditions (tradition A, associated with farming women). Oral traditions reveal a very complex history of Dogon settlement, due to frequent relocations of villages associated with a history of climatic and political instability: discovery of water spots, drying of rivers, famines, and land conflicts, but also withdrawal after raids by the neighboring Peul, Bambara and Mossi.

Paleometallurgy


Fieldwork at the Fiko reduction site in 2005. Photo C. Robion-Brunner

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Beginning in 2002, a paleometallurgy axis was added with the aim of studying the development of siderurgy in the Dogon Country, from its origins to modern day. One of the principal objectives is to determine the moment when the structure and capacity of production of the industry allowed the widespread use of farming tools and weapons made of iron. Such use of iron corresponds to a change in the technological system within society, with significant effects on its structure and on the environment in the broad sense.

To meet this goal, a multidisciplinary approach was developed. The ethnographic approach aimed at collecting oral traditions related to siderurgy. As a result of a memory still quite alive, much information was recovered concerning the last two or three centuries. These surveys informed on historical, social and economic aspects that would be impossible to demonstrate solely by the study of the material record. They also give access to the spiritual and symbolic world in which production and ironworking were integrated. Finally, practical knowledge of modern craftspeople helped to understand and reconstruct the actions of the earlier groups.

At the same time, the archaeological approach aimed to inventory, describe and understand the material evidence of siderurgy: ancient pits from iron mines, furnaces that allowed iron extraction and forges where objects were made. These sites were systematically located across the landscape, visited and documented by descriptions, photographs and topographic designs. Characteristic sites were selected and studied in greater detail with test pits or larger excavations carried out. This work made it possible to discover furnaces and study their functioning, as well as to collect charcoal samples that could be dated by 14C and slag that could be analyzed in the laboratory to clarify technical aspects, the different modes of production and their development. The construction of a detailed topographic map was done in the aim of demonstrating the spatial organization and to estimate the quantity of debris and thus the level of production. Anthracological analysis additionally yielded important data on the vegetal cover and the model of exploitation of wood resources.


http://www.ounjougou.org/sec_arc/arc_main.php?lang=en&sec=arc&sous_sec=neolithique&art=neo

Posts: 22234 | From: האם אינכם כילדי הכרית אלי בני ישראל | Registered: Nov 2010  |  IP: Logged | Report this post to a Moderator
Ish Geber
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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...


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quote:
Northern Egypt near the Mediterranean shows the same pattern- limb length data puts its peoples closer to tropically adapted Africans that cold climate Europeans

"...sample populations available from northern Egypt from before the 1st Dynasty (Merimda, Maadi and Wadi Digla) turn out to be significantly different from sample populations from early Palestine and Byblos, suggesting a lack of common ancestors over a long time. If there was a south-north cline variation along the Nile valley it did not, from this limited evidence, continue smoothly on into southern Palestine.

The limb-length proportions of males from the Egyptian sites group them with Africans rather than with Europeans."

Barry Kemp, "Ancient Egypt Anatomy of a Civilisation. (2005) Routledge. p. 52-60


quote:
"When the Elephantine results were added to a broader pooling of the physical characteristics drawn from a wide geographic region which includes Africa, the Mediterranean and the Near East quite strong affinities emerge between Elephantine and populations from Nubia, supporting a strong south-north cline."
Barry Kemp. (2006) Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. p. 54


quote:

"From the Mesolithic to the early Neolithic period different lines of evidence support an out-of-Africa Mesolithic migration to the Levant by northeastern African groups that had biological affinities with sub-Saharan populations. From a genetic point of view, several recent genetic studies have shown that sub-Sabaran genetic lineages (affiliated with the Y-chromosome PN2 clade; Underhill et al. 2001) have spread through Egypt into the Near East, the Mediterranean area, and, for some lineages, as far north as Turkey (E3b-M35 Y lineage; Cinniogclu et al. 2004; Luis et al. 2004), probably during several dispersal episodes since the Mesolithic (Cinniogelu et al. 2004; King et al. 2008; Lucotte and Mercier 2003; Luis et al. 2004; Quintana-Murci et al. 1999; Semino et al. 2004; Underhill et al. 2001). This finding is in agreement with morphological data that suggest that populations with sub-Saharan morphological elements were present in northeastern Africa, from the Paleolithic to at least the early Holocene, and diffused northward to the Levant and Anatolia beginning in the Mesolithic.

Indeed, the rare and incomplete Paleolithic to early Neolithic skeletal specimens found in Egypt - such as the 33,000-year-old Nazlet Khater specimen (Pinhasi and Semai 2000), the Wadi Kubbaniya skeleton from the late Paleolithic site in the upper Nile valley (Wendorf et al. 1986), the Qarunian (Faiyum) early Neolithic crania (Henneberg et al. 1989; Midant-Reynes 2000), and the Nabta specimen from the Neolithic Nabta Playa site in the western desert of Egypt (Henneberg et al. 1980) - show, with regard to the great African biological diversity, similarities with some of the sub-Saharan middle Paleolithic and modern sub-Saharan specimens.

This affinity pattern between ancient Egyptians and sub-Saharans has also been noticed by several other investigators (Angel 1972; Berry and Berry 1967, 1972; Keita 1995) and has been recently reinforced by the study of Brace et al. (2005), which clearly shows that the cranial morphology of prehistoric and recent northeast African populations is linked to sub-Saharan populations (Niger-Congo populations). These results support the hypothesis that some of the Paleolithic-early Holocene populations from northeast Africa were probably descendents of sub-Saharan ancestral populations...... This northward migration of northeastern African populations carrying sub-Saharan biological elements is concordant with the morphological homogeneity of the Natufian populations (Bocquentin 2003), which present morphological affinity with sub-Saharan populations (Angel 1972; Brace et al. 2005).

In addition, the Neolithic revolution was assumed to arise in the late Pleistocene Natufians and subsequently spread into Anatolia and Europe (Bar-Yosef 2002), and the first Anatolian farmers, Neolithic to Bronze Age Mediterraneans and to some degree other Neolithic-Bronze Age Europeans, show morphological affinities with the Natufians (and indirectly with sub-Saharan populations; Angel 1972; Brace et al. 2005), in concordance with a process of demie diffusion accompanying the
extension of the Neolithic revolution (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994)."



---Cranial Discrete Traits in a Byzantine Population and Eastern Mediterranean Population Movements
F. X. Ricaut, M. Waelkens. Human Biology, Volume 80, Number 5, October 2008, pp. 535-564


quote:
The Upper Palaeolithic Lithic Industry of Nazlet Khater 4 (Egypt): Implications for the Stone Age/Palaeolithic of Northeastern Africa

 
Abstract:

Between Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 4 and 2, Northeast Africa witnessed migrations of Homo sapiens into Eurasia. Within the context of the aridification of the Sahara, the Nile Valley probably offered a very attractive corridor into Eurasia. This region and this period are therefore central for the (pre)history of the out-of-Africa peopling of modern humans. However, there are very few sites from the beginning of the Upper Palaeolithic that document these migration events. In Egypt, the site of Nazlet Khater 4 (NK4), which is related to ancient H. sapiens quarrying activities, is one of them. Its lithic assemblage shows an important laminar component, and this, associated with its chronological position (ca. 33 ka), means that the site is the most ancient Upper Palaeolithic sites of this region. The detailed study of the Nazlet Khater 4 lithic material shows that blade production (volumetric reduction) is also associated with flake production (surface reduction). This technological duality addresses the issue of direct attribution of NK4 to the Upper Palaeolithic.

Authors: Leplongeon, Alice1; Pleurdeau, David2
Source: African Archaeological Review, Volume 28, Number 3, September 2011, pp. 213-236(24)

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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...


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quote:
Northern Egypt near the Mediterranean shows the same pattern- limb length data puts its peoples closer to tropically adapted Africans that cold climate Europeans

"...sample populations available from northern Egypt from before the 1st Dynasty (Merimda, Maadi and Wadi Digla) turn out to be significantly different from sample populations from early Palestine and Byblos, suggesting a lack of common ancestors over a long time. If there was a south-north cline variation along the Nile valley it did not, from this limited evidence, continue smoothly on into southern Palestine.

The limb-length proportions of males from the Egyptian sites group them with Africans rather than with Europeans."

Barry Kemp, "Ancient Egypt Anatomy of a Civilisation. (2005) Routledge. p. 52-60


quote:
"When the Elephantine results were added to a broader pooling of the physical characteristics drawn from a wide geographic region which includes Africa, the Mediterranean and the Near East quite strong affinities emerge between Elephantine and populations from Nubia, supporting a strong south-north cline."
Barry Kemp. (2006) Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. p. 54


quote:

"From the Mesolithic to the early Neolithic period different lines of evidence support an out-of-Africa Mesolithic migration to the Levant by northeastern African groups that had biological affinities with sub-Saharan populations. From a genetic point of view, several recent genetic studies have shown that sub-Sabaran genetic lineages (affiliated with the Y-chromosome PN2 clade; Underhill et al. 2001) have spread through Egypt into the Near East, the Mediterranean area, and, for some lineages, as far north as Turkey (E3b-M35 Y lineage; Cinniogclu et al. 2004; Luis et al. 2004), probably during several dispersal episodes since the Mesolithic (Cinniogelu et al. 2004; King et al. 2008; Lucotte and Mercier 2003; Luis et al. 2004; Quintana-Murci et al. 1999; Semino et al. 2004; Underhill et al. 2001). This finding is in agreement with morphological data that suggest that populations with sub-Saharan morphological elements were present in northeastern Africa, from the Paleolithic to at least the early Holocene, and diffused northward to the Levant and Anatolia beginning in the Mesolithic.

Indeed, the rare and incomplete Paleolithic to early Neolithic skeletal specimens found in Egypt - such as the 33,000-year-old Nazlet Khater specimen (Pinhasi and Semai 2000), the Wadi Kubbaniya skeleton from the late Paleolithic site in the upper Nile valley (Wendorf et al. 1986), the Qarunian (Faiyum) early Neolithic crania (Henneberg et al. 1989; Midant-Reynes 2000), and the Nabta specimen from the Neolithic Nabta Playa site in the western desert of Egypt (Henneberg et al. 1980) - show, with regard to the great African biological diversity, similarities with some of the sub-Saharan middle Paleolithic and modern sub-Saharan specimens.

This affinity pattern between ancient Egyptians and sub-Saharans has also been noticed by several other investigators (Angel 1972; Berry and Berry 1967, 1972; Keita 1995) and has been recently reinforced by the study of Brace et al. (2005), which clearly shows that the cranial morphology of prehistoric and recent northeast African populations is linked to sub-Saharan populations (Niger-Congo populations). These results support the hypothesis that some of the Paleolithic-early Holocene populations from northeast Africa were probably descendents of sub-Saharan ancestral populations...... This northward migration of northeastern African populations carrying sub-Saharan biological elements is concordant with the morphological homogeneity of the Natufian populations (Bocquentin 2003), which present morphological affinity with sub-Saharan populations (Angel 1972; Brace et al. 2005).

In addition, the Neolithic revolution was assumed to arise in the late Pleistocene Natufians and subsequently spread into Anatolia and Europe (Bar-Yosef 2002), and the first Anatolian farmers, Neolithic to Bronze Age Mediterraneans and to some degree other Neolithic-Bronze Age Europeans, show morphological affinities with the Natufians (and indirectly with sub-Saharan populations; Angel 1972; Brace et al. 2005), in concordance with a process of demie diffusion accompanying the
extension of the Neolithic revolution (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994)."



---Cranial Discrete Traits in a Byzantine Population and Eastern Mediterranean Population Movements
F. X. Ricaut, M. Waelkens. Human Biology, Volume 80, Number 5, October 2008, pp. 535-564


quote:
The Upper Palaeolithic Lithic Industry of Nazlet Khater 4 (Egypt): Implications for the Stone Age/Palaeolithic of Northeastern Africa

 
Abstract:

Between Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 4 and 2, Northeast Africa witnessed migrations of Homo sapiens into Eurasia. Within the context of the aridification of the Sahara, the Nile Valley probably offered a very attractive corridor into Eurasia. This region and this period are therefore central for the (pre)history of the out-of-Africa peopling of modern humans. However, there are very few sites from the beginning of the Upper Palaeolithic that document these migration events. In Egypt, the site of Nazlet Khater 4 (NK4), which is related to ancient H. sapiens quarrying activities, is one of them. Its lithic assemblage shows an important laminar component, and this, associated with its chronological position (ca. 33 ka), means that the site is the most ancient Upper Palaeolithic sites of this region. The detailed study of the Nazlet Khater 4 lithic material shows that blade production (volumetric reduction) is also associated with flake production (surface reduction). This technological duality addresses the issue of direct attribution of NK4 to the Upper Palaeolithic.

Authors: Leplongeon, Alice1; Pleurdeau, David2
Source: African Archaeological Review, Volume 28, Number 3, September 2011, pp. 213-236(24)

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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...

http://www.quarryscapes.no/images/Egypt_sites/Aswan1.gif


Nubia's Oldest House?

Some of the most important evidence of early man in Nubia was discovered recently by an expedition of the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, under the direction of Dr. Kryzstof Grzymski, on the east bank of the Nile, about 70 miles (116 km) south of Dongola, Sudan. During the early 1990's, this team discovered several sites containing hundreds of Paleolithic hand axes. At one site, however, the team identified an apparent stone tool workshop, where thousands of sandstone hand axes and flakes lay on the ground around a row of large stones set in a line, suggesting the remains of a shelter. This seems to be the earliest "habitation" site yet discovered in the Nile Valley and may be up to 70,000 years old.

What the Nubian environment was like throughout these distant times, we cannot know with certainty, but it must have changed many times. For many thousands of years it was probably far different than what it is today. Between about 50,000 to 25,000 years ago, the hand axe gradually disappeared and was replaced with numerous distinctive chipped stone industries that varied from region to region, suggesting the presence in Nubia of many different peoples or tribal groups dwelling in close proximity to each other. When we first encounter skeletal remains in Nubia, they are those of modern man: homo sapiens*.

Nubia's Oldest Battle?

From about 25,000 to 8,000 years ago, the environment gradually evolved to its present state. From this phase several very early settlement sites have been identified at the Second Cataract, near the Egypt-Sudan border. These appear to have been used seasonally by people leading a semi-nomadic existence. The people hunted, fished, and ground wild grain. The first cemeteries also appear, suggesting that people may have been living at least partly sedentary lives. One cemetery site at Jebel Sahaba, near Wadi Halfa, Sudan, contained a number of bodies that had suffered violent deaths and were buried in a mass grave. This suggests that people, even 10,000 years ago, had begun to compete with each other for resources and were willing to kill each other to control them.

http://www.nubianet.org/about/about_history1.html


Busharia reveals the precocious appearance of pottery on the African continent around the 9th millennium B.C.

The site of Busharia is located near the desert, at the edge of the alluvial plain and near an old Nile channel. It reveals the remains of human occupation at the onset of the Holocene. The settlement is rather eroded, only a few artefacts, ostrich egg fragments and extremely old ceramic sherds remain. These sherds date to circa 8200 B.C. The ceramic assemblage is homogenous, which suggests the existence of a single occupation phase. The decorations and the use of the return technique, common in the central Sahara around the 6th millennium B.C., are unique in this Nubian context for such an early period.

Remains discovered on site suggest the existence of a semi-sedentary population living from hunting, fishing, and the gathering of wild plants. A trial trench and a small-scale excavation were conducted on this Mesolithic site; however, it is impossible to obtain at present a better understanding of the context related to the first ceramics in the region. As this site is located near cultivated zones, it is thus threatened with short-term destruction.

http://www.kerma.ch/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=52&Itemid=92

Three scale models—of the Mesolithic hut of el-Barga ( 7500 B.C. ), the proto-urban agglomeration of the Pre-Kerma (3000 B.C.) and the ancient city of Kerma (2500-1500 B.C.)—give a glimpse of the world of the living. They show the evolution of settlements for each of the key periods in Nubian history. Huts indicate the birth of a sedentary way of life, the agglomeration confirms the settling of populations on a territory and the capital of the Kingdom of Kerma marks the culmination of the complexification of Nubian architecture with its ever more monumental constructions. The three models were created in Switzerland by Hugo Lienhard and were installed in the museum in January 2009.

http://www.kerma.ch/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=6&Itemid=45&lang=en

Wadi el-Arab reveals an almost continuous series of settlement remains spanning two millennia as well as the first Neolithic burials known in Africa.

This site is located today in a desert region. Discovered in 2005, it has been under excavation since 2006. This is an open-air site occupied on several occasions during a period between 8300 and 6600 B.C. Its inhabitants then lived in a rather wooded environment, living on fishing, hunting and gathering.

The site reveals numerous flint tools and flakes, grinding stone fragments, ceramic sherds, ostrich eggshell beads, shells and mollusc remains, fish vertebrae and faunal remains. Rare domesticated ox bones were discovered and dated to circa 7000 B.C. This discovery is important for the question regarding the origin of animal domestication in Africa because it reinforces the idea of a local domestication of African oxen from aurochs living in the Nile Valley.

During the 2006-2007 campaign, six burial pits were excavated in three different areas. Dated to between 7000 and 6600, these burials are the first known Neolithic burials on the African continent.

http://www.kerma.ch/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=16&Itemid=57


Project Director : Prof. Matthieu Honegger


The Upper Palaeolithic Lithic Industry of Nazlet Khater 4 (Egypt): Implications for the Stone Age/Palaeolithic of Northeastern Africa


Authors: Leplongeon, Alice1; Pleurdeau, David2
Source: African Archaeological Review, Volume 28, Number 3, September 2011, pp. 213-236(24)


 
Abstract:

Between Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 4 and 2, Northeast Africa witnessed migrations of Homo sapiens into Eurasia. Within the context of the aridification of the Sahara, the Nile Valley probably offered a very attractive corridor into Eurasia. This region and this period are therefore central for the (pre)history of the out-of-Africa peopling of modern humans. However, there are very few sites from the beginning of the Upper Palaeolithic that document these migration events. In Egypt, the site of Nazlet Khater 4 (NK4), which is related to ancient H. sapiens quarrying activities, is one of them. Its lithic assemblage shows an important laminar component, and this, associated with its chronological position (ca. 33 ka), means that the site is the most ancient Upper Palaeolithic sites of this region. The detailed study of the Nazlet Khater 4 lithic material shows that blade production (volumetric reduction) is also associated with flake production (surface reduction). This technological duality addresses the issue of direct attribution of NK4 to the Upper Palaeolithic.


Wadi Kubbaniya (ca. 17,000–15,000 B.C.)

In Egypt, the earliest evidence of humans can be recognized only from tools found scattered over an ancient surface, sometimes with hearths nearby. In Wadi Kubbaniya, a dried-up streambed cutting through the Western Desert to the floodplain northwest of Aswan in Upper Egypt, some interesting sites of the kind described above have been recorded. A cluster of Late Paleolithic camps was located in two different topographic zones: on the tops of dunes and the floor of the wadi (streambed) where it enters the valley. Although no signs of houses were found, diverse and sophisticated stone implements for hunting, fishing, and collecting and processing plants were discovered around hearths. Most tools were bladelets made from a local stone called chert that is widely used in tool fabrication. The bones of wild cattle, hartebeest, many types of fish and birds, as well as the occasional hippopotamus have been identified in the occupation layers. Charred remains of plants that the inhabitants consumed, especially tubers, have also been found.

It appears from the zoological and botanical remains at the various sites in this wadi that the two environmental zones were exploited at different times. We know that the dune sites were occupied when the Nile River flooded the wadi because large numbers of fish and migratory bird bones were found at this location. When the water receded, people then moved down onto the silt left behind on the wadi floor and the floodplain, probably following large animals that looked for water there in the dry season. Paleolithic peoples lived at Wadi Kubbaniya for about 2,000 years, exploiting the different environments as the seasons changed. Other ancient camps have been discovered along the Nile from Sudan to the Mediterranean, yielding similar tools and food remains. These sites demonstrate that the early inhabitants of the Nile valley and its nearby deserts had learned how to exploit local environments, developing economic strategies that were maintained in later cultural traditions of pharaonic Egypt.

http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/wadi/hd_wadi.htm


*Wadi Halfa is present North Sudan.

*Wadi Kubbaniya is present Southern Egypt.


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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...

DNA analysis shows that Egyptians group with African peoples from the Sudan, Ethiopia, East Africa and parts of Cameroon, not with Europe or the Middle East.

*Notes on E-M78 and Rosa DNA study linking Egyptians with East and Central Africans.[/b] DNA study (Rosa et al. 2007) groups Egyptians with East and Central Africans. Other DNA studies link these peoples together. Quote:“the majority of Y chromosomes found in populations in Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia and Oromos in Somalia and North Kenya (Boranas) belong to haplogroup E3b1 defined by the Y chromosome marker M78“(Sanchez 2005). Codes: Egy=Egypt. Or= Oromo, Ethiopia. Am=Amahara, Ethiopia. Sud=Sudan. FCA=Cameroon. Maa= Massai, Kenya. Note: Eighty (80)% or more of the haplotypes in Cameroon are of West African origin (Rosa et al. 2007, Cerny et al. 2006). Ethiopia, Cameroon and most of the Sudan is located below the Sahara, and thus sub-Saharan.-- Rosa, et al.(2007) Y-chromosomal diversity in the population of Guinea-Bissau. BMC Evolutionary Biology. 7:124


Comparisons of linear body proportions of Old Kingdom and non-Old Kingdom period individuals, and workers and high officials in our sample found no statistically significant differences among them. Zakrzewski (2003) also found little evidence for differences in linear body proportions of Egyptians over a wider temporal range. In general, recent studies of skeletal variation among ancient Egyptians support scenarios of biological continuity through time. Irish (2006) analyzed quantitative and qualitative dental traits of 996 Egyptians from Neolithic through Roman periods, reporting the presence of a few outliers but concluding that the dental samples appear to be largely homogeneous and that the affinities observed indicate overall biological uniformity and continuity from Predynastic through Dynastic and Postdynastic periods.


Zakrzewski (2007) provided a comprehensive summary of previous Egyptian craniometric studies and examined Egyptian crania from six time periods. She found that the earlier samples were relatively more homogeneous in comparison to the later groups. However, overall results indicated genetic continuity over the Egyptian Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods, albeit with a high level of genetic diversity within the population, suggesting an indigenous process of state formation. She also concluded that while the biological patterning of the Egyptian population varied across time, no consistent temporal or spatial trends are apparent. Thus, the stature estimation formulae developed here may be broadly applicable to all ancient Egyptian populations..".


("Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians: A new technique based on anatomical reconstruction of stature." Michelle H. Raxter, Christopher B. Ruff, Ayman Azab, Moushira Erfan, Muhammad Soliman, Aly El-Sawaf,(Am J Phys Anthropol. 2008, Jun;136(2):147-55

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AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 121:219–229 (2003)


Variation in Ancient Egyptian Stature and Body
Proportions Sonia R. Zakrzewski*
Department of Archaeology, University of Southampton, Southampton SO17 1BF, UK


'The ancient Egyptians have been described as having a “ Negroid” body plan (Robins, 1983).

Variations in the proximal to distal segments of each limb were therefore examined. Of the ratios considered, only maximum humerus length to maximum ulna length (XLH/XLU) showed statistically significant change through time.

This change was a relative decrease in the length of the humerus as compared with the ulna, suggesting the development of an increasingly African body plan with time.

This may also be the result of Nubian mercenaries being included in the sample from Gebelein.

The nature of the body plan was also investigated by comparing the intermembral, brachial, and crural indices for these samples with values obtained from the literature. No significant differences were found in either index through time for either sex. The raw values in Table 6 suggest that Egyptians had the “ super-Negroid ” body plan described by Robins (1983). The values for the brachial and crural indices show that the distal segments of each limb are longer relative to the proximal segments than in many “African” populations (data from Aiello and Dean, 1990). This pattern is supported by Figure 7 (a plot of population mean femoral and tibial lengths; data from Ruff, 1994), which indicates that the Egyptians generally have tropical body plans. Of the Egyptian samples, only the Badarian and Early Dynastic period populations have shorter tibiae than predicted from femoral length. Despite these differences, all samples lie relatively clustered together as compared to the other populations.'


http://www.quarryscapes.no/images/Egypt_sites/Aswan1.gif

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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...


More on the people who match the Ancient Egyptians in a continues model. From where the Egyptian culture arose.


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The nubian mesolithic: A consideration of the Wadi Halfa remains


References and further reading may be available for this article. To view references and further reading you must purchase this article.

Meredith F. Small* et al.


Morphological variation of the skeletal remains of ancient Nubia has been traditionally explained as a product of multiple migrations into the Nile Valley.


In contrast, various researchers have noted a continuity in craniofacial variation from Mesolithic through Neolithic times.

This apparent continuity could be explained by in situ cultural evolution producing shifts in selective pressures which may act on teeth, the facial complex, and the cranial vault.

A series of 13 Mesolithic skulls from Wadi Halfa, Sudan, are compared to Nubian Neolithic remains by means of extended canonical analysis.

Results support recent research which suggests consistent trends of facial reduction and cranial vault expansion from Mesolithic through Neolithic times.


From about 20,000 BCE, there are further refinements in stone technology. Very specialized tools appeared, including arrowheads, fishhooks, grindstones, and awls. These most refined of stone implements have the generic name 'microlithic.' This era of the late Paleolithic also saw the development of complex composite tools such as bows and arrows. As well, fishing equipment, including boats, and even pottery appeared in some environmental niches. As tools became more specialized and finely made, local variations, including stylistic ones, became more and more the rule...

From the standpoint of African history the most important development of the late Stone Age was the emergence of more settled ('sedentary') societies. These probably developed first along the banks of the Upper Nile in the Cataracts region, in modern day southern Egypt and northern Sudan (ancient Nubia). Evidence of barley harvesting there dates from as early as 16,000 BCE. The ability to make greater use of abundant wild grains, probably coupled with greater exploitation of aquatic resources, led to a more settled existence for some people. These more sedentary peoples were a part of what is now known collectively as the African Aquatic Culture/ Tradition. This way of life spread from the Upper Nile into a much larger area of Africa during the last great wet phase of African climate history, which began about 9,000 and peaked about 7,000 BCE. The higher rainfall levels of the period created numerous very large shallow lakes across what are now the arid southern borderlands of the Sahara desert. Inhabitants of shore communities crafted microlithic tools to exploit a marine environment: fishing and trapping aquatic animals. This provided abundant food supplies, particularly high in protein and supported the earliest known permanent settlements. Culturally and linguistically related peoples ancestral to modern Black Africans established settlements throughout this vast, ancient great lakes area. It is theorized that they spoke the mother Nilo-Saharan tongue. Sophisticated water-related technologies supported not only the development of settled communities, but also the invention of things like pottery, which were formerly thought to be associated exclusively with the Food Production Revolution of the later New Stone Age, or Neolithic. While the African aquatic tradition itself lasted only until the beginning of the modern drier period, around 3,000 BCE, its legacy has been felt ever since.


Basil Davidson, Africa in History (1975)

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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...


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quote:
Originally posted by Hersi_Yusuf:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZvJ0F299kFQ&feature=player_embedded

^^
that is video from a Nubian from Egypt saying they were black who is a actual Egyptologist, not some copt who fancies herself a scholar because she doesn't want to be a Arab because their muslim. Besides copts don't have tropical body plans nor a african skull cavity

Here is a woman from North Egypt, Cairo who happens to be a trained tour guide in Egyptology.


Population migrations in Ancient Egypt and Arab identity part 5



Am J Phys Anthropol, 2008.

Stature estimation;anatomical method;regression formulae; Egyptians


Abstract

Trotter and Gleser's (Trotter and Gleser: Am J Phys Anthropol 10 (1952) 469–514; Trotter and Gleser: Am J Phys Anthropol 16 (1958) 79–123) long bone formulae for US Blacks or derivations thereof (Robins and Shute: Hum Evol 1 (1986) 313–324) have been previously used to estimate the stature of ancient Egyptians. However, limb length to stature proportions differ between human populations; consequently, the most accurate mathematical stature estimates will be obtained when the population being examined is as similar as possible in proportions to the population used to create the equations. The purpose of this study was to create new stature regression formulae based on direct reconstructions of stature in ancient Egyptians and assess their accuracy in comparison to other stature estimation methods. We also compare Egyptian body proportions to those of modern American Blacks and Whites. Living stature estimates were derived using a revised Fully anatomical method (Raxter et al.: Am J Phys Anthropol 130 (2006) 374–384). Long bone stature regression equations were then derived for each sex. Our results confirm that, although ancient Egyptians are closer in body proportion to modern American Blacks than they are to American Whites, proportions in Blacks and Egyptians are not identical. The newly generated Egyptian-based stature regression formulae have standard errors of estimate of 1.9–4.2 cm. All mean directional differences are less than 0.4% compared to anatomically estimated stature, while results using previous formulae are more variable, with mean directional biases varying between 0.2% and 1.1%, tibial and radial estimates being the most biased. There is no evidence for significant variation in proportions among temporal or social groupings; thus, the new formulae may be broadly applicable to ancient Egyptian remains.

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/ajpa.20790/abstract


An examination of Nubian and Egyptian biological distances: Support for biological diffusion or in situ development?

K. Goddea, b, Corresponding Author Contact Information

a Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee


b Department of Science, South College



Abstract

Many authors have speculated on Nubian biological evolution. Because of the contact Nubians had with other peoples, migration and/or invasion (biological diffusion) were originally thought to be the biological mechanism for skeletal changes in Nubians. Later, a new hypothesis was put forth, the in situ hypothesis. The new hypothesis postulated that Nubians evolved in situ, without much genetic influence from foreign populations. This study examined 12 Egyptian and Nubian groups in an effort to explore the relationship between the two populations and to test the in situ hypothesis. Data from nine cranial nonmetric traits were assessed for an estimate of biological distance, using Mahalanobis D2 with a tetrachoric matrix. The distance scores were then input into principal coordinates analysis (PCO) to depict the relationships between the two populations. PCO detected 60% of the variation in the first two principal coordinates. A plot of the distance scores revealed only one cluster; the Nubian and Egyptian groups clustered together. The grouping of the Nubians and Egyptians indicates there may have been some sort of gene flow between these groups of Nubians and Egyptians. However, common adaptation to similar environments may also be responsible for this pattern. Although the predominant results in this study appear to support the biological diffusion hypothesis, the in situ hypothesis was not completely negated.

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19766993


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Analysis of Hair Samples of Mummies from Semna South, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, (1978) 49: 277-262


As Brothwell and Spearman (‘63) point out, reddish-brown ancient hair is usually the result of partial oxidation of the melanin pigment. This color was seen in a large proportion of the Semna sample, and also noted by Titlbachova and Titlbach (‘77) on Egyptian material, where it also may have resulted from the mummification process. However, the large number of blond hairs that are not associated with the cuticular damage that bleaching produces, probably points to a significantly lighter-haired population than is now present in the Nubian region. Brothwell and Spearman (’63) noted genuinely blond ancient Egyptian samples using reflectance spectrophotometry. Blondism, especially in young children, is common in many darkhaired populations (e.g., Australian, Melanesian), and is still found in some Nubian villages (J. Zabkar, personal communication).


Only one sample (M197) showed cuticular damage and irregularities definitely consistent with bleaching, although bleaching could not be ruled out in some of the blond samples.


pdf file


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Archeological discovery: The Book of the Dead LOL

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The jealous, unintelligent and untalented stanley VS...


SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY IN NIGERIA: A SHORT NOTE

Oluwole Ogundele
Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan, Nigeria



INTRODUCTION
The history of scientific archaeological research in Nigeria, is a relatively recent development. This dates back to the 1940's when a rock-shelter named "Rop" was investigated, in addition to the limited excavations embarked upon by Bernard Fagg, in the Nok Valley area of Central Nigeria. Similarly, rescue excavations were carried out in Igbo-Ukwu located in the eastern part of the country by Thurstan Shaw and his team in the latter part of the 1950's. Since then, several archaeological efforts have been made in few locations such as Ile-Ife, Old-Oyo, Benin and Daima all situated in the western and northern parts of Nigeria respectively.

In all these archaeological excavations, the objectives were mainly to retrieve artifacts and describe them with a view to reconstructing the cultural history of the region in question. Archaeological researches during this period, were basically artifact-oriented, and not unexpectedly, classifications based on stratigraphic evidence, occupied a central position in the scheme of things. This research orientation is with a view to gaining some insights about sequences of events and chronologies. It is important to note that apart from the fact that these archaeological works were scattered (i.e. few and far between), there were no well formulated strategies and/or research designs aimed at clarifying our understanding of the spatial dimension of the culture(s) being studied, both at the intra- and inter-site levels. Indeed, lateral-oriented activities involving mapping and excavations were not considered vital to the operationalization of research works until in the 1980's. Some of the concomitant effects of this development are as follows:

1. Artifacts retrieved from excavations appear to remain isolated, without any significant connections between them and a given geographical configuration, thus making it impossible to recreate the extent to which a people had exploited the resources within their environment.
2. Establishment of the nature and pattern(s) of inter-group relations among the peoples in different parts of the country in prehistoric and proto-historic or historic periods remains a far cry.

PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES
Since the archaeologist is concerned with the reconstruction of palaeo-cultures, space or environment is one of the indispensable variables (Ogundele 1989; 1990; 1994). However, in having an over-view of the works of pioneers of archaeology in Nigeria and to some extent the present crop of experts in the field, efforts should be made to take into consideration several problems that faced them or are still facing some of them. Given this situation, my assessonent of their works is done here with great respect and caution. Indeed one major objective of this piece of work, is to attempts to promote a new appreciation of available or potential archaeological data especially settlement finds and features, with a view to broadening our horizon of archaeological scholarship in Nigeria and West Africa as a whole.

Until very recently, all the archaeologists working in Nigeria were mainly Europeans and they did not often stay long enough to embark upon systematic and long-term archaeological surveys. In other words, Nigerian archaeologists are still disappointingly few and largely as a result, some systematic archaeological investigations of the entire country is still a far cry. Closely related to the problem listed above, is the fact that Nigeria is a vast country, too large for a handful of archaeologists to manage. In addition, the geographical character of the region is extremely complex. Thus for example, the major vegetational zones (especially the thick forests and swamps in the south, and the very desert area to the north), constitute in themselves, distinct obstacles to archaeological field-work.

Another major difficulty has to do with the fact that Nigeria is situated in the humid tropics and as with other humid tropical regions, the soils are acidic and erosion is generally very pronounced. These have adversely affected the preservation of archaeological remains especially fragile items like bones and wooden objects of great time-depth. However, there are still some depositional cases such as deltaic conditions, rock-shelters and caves, where archaeological materials are relatively better preserved. Overall however, the archaeologist working in Nigeria is left with just the imperishables such as stone tools and potsherds and little else in the way of human occupation to analyze, reconstruct and interpret.

The lack and in places paucity of data has tended to encourage unrestrained speculation which in fact largely accounts for some insupportable hypotheses being put forward by many early or pioneer archaeologists, concerning the nature of culture change in Nigeria. One of such hypotheses was that the peopling of the forest region (southern Nigeria and indeed, all of the Guinea zone of West Africa) was a much later development than that of the northern open savanna area. Recent archaeological research has shown that people were already living in south-western Nigeria (specifically Iwo-Eleru) as early as 9000 BC and perhaps earlier at Ugwuelle-Uturu (Okigwe) in south-eastern Nigeria (Shaw and Daniels 1984: 7-100).

Lack of adequate funding and dating facilities has also caused a lag in archaeological research in Nigeria and indeed, all of West Africa. Many sites threatened by construction work such as bridges, roads, houses and dams are not normally rescued because there are no sources of funding. The governments of West African countries have not been supportive enough of archaeological work, partly because both the leaders and the peoples do not recognize the role a sound knowledge of the past can play in nation-building.

There is up to now, no well-equipped dating laboratory either to process charcoal samples or potsherds. The only laboratory in West Africa is in Senegal and it is far from being well equipped. Consequently, it is restricted mostly to processing charcoal samples collected from sites in Senegal. Given this problem, samples collected from archaeological excavations have to be sent abroad for processing. This delays the rate at which archaeological information is put into its proper time perspective.

It seems also that a great deal more time and attention are paid to the later phases of human settlement history than the earlier. Consequently, much more is known of iron age and historic settlements in Nigeria and West Africa as a whole. Some considerable amount of work has been done for these phases in Benin City in Nigeria, Niani in Niger Republic and Jenne-Jeno in Mali, among other places in West Africa. One reason for this interest in the later phase seems to rest in the fact that there is a meeting point between historic settlement archaeology and oral traditions in the region generally and the fact that people can identify much more easily with this phase because it is more recent and by this fact closer to our times.

It is pertinent to note that there is no settlement archaeology tradition(s) in Nigeria up to the early 1980's. Even at places like Ife, Old-Oyo, Benin and Zaria where some relatively limited archaeological work has been carried out, efforts were mainly concentrated on walls (Soper 1981: 61-81; Darling 1984: 498-504; Leggett 1969: 27). In Southern Nigeria, proto-historic settlements were generally composed of mud or sun-dried brick houses. Most if not all these house structures and defensive and/or demarcatory walls have either been destroyed or obliterated by erosion. The tradition(s) of constructing houses with stones in the pre colonial past was well reflected in many parts of Northern Nigeria. In fact, many hill-top settlements in this area of Nigeria were composed of stone houses - a direct response among other things, to opportunities offered by the immediate environment (Netting 1968: 18-28; Denyer 1978: 41-47). Despite the nature of the soil chemistry (acidic soil) stone buildings are still better preserved than mud houses.

Relics of ancient settlements are much fewer in the south than in the north, because of the different building materials as well as techniques of construction which are partly determined by diverse historical experiences among other things. Hill-tops and slopes offer abundant boulders which could be dressed for construction, while in the plains, it is much easier to obtain mud for building houses. For example, the dispersed mode of settlement of the present-day Tiv as opposed to the nucleated rural settlements on the hill-tops and slopes in ancient times, coupled with their shifting agricultural system, as well as the factor of refarming and/or resettlement of former sites by some daughter groups which hived off, from the original stock, make most ancient settlements and recently abandoned sites (made up of sun-dried brick houses) difficult to discover at least in a fairly well preserved state (Sokpo and Mbakighir 1990, Personal Communication).

This preservation problem among others further make the task of establishing stratigraphic sequences a little bit difficult. Nigeria is divisible into zones on the basis of techniques of construction as follows:
1. Mud construction techniques which are very common in most parts of southern Nigeria.
2. Stone construction techniques which are very common in most parts of Northern Nigeria; and
3. Combination of mud and stone construction techniques. This development is common in Tivland, where the ancient houses and protective walls on hill-tops were constructed of stones, while present-day houses in the plains are usually constructed of mud.
Given our experiences in Nigeria, the third category of construction is very useful for generating models. These are models derivable from oral traditional data and ethnographic resources. Such models, if carefully applied to archaeological situations, can greatly fill the gaps in our knowledge of the past of the Nigerian peoples.

CONCLUSION
Scientific studies of settlement archaeology of the different parts of Nigeria are be-devilled by a lot of problems ranging in nature from inadequate facilities to fewness of archaeologists on ground. Developments in recent years have however shown that these problems are now being turned into a source of strength by the indigenous archaeologists. Thus for example abundant oral traditional and ethnographic resources in Nigeria are being profitably harnessed. This is with a few to clarifying our understanding of aspects of the people's settlement heritage.


REFERENCES
Darling, P. 1984. Archaeology & History In Southern Nigeria: The ancient Linear Earthworks of Benin and Ishan. B. A. R. Series 215.
Denyer, S 1978. African traditional architecture. Heinemann, Ibadan.
Leggett, H. J. 1969 Former Hill and Inselberg Settlements In the Zaria District. West African Archaeology News-letter. No.11.
Mbakighir, N. 1990. Personal Communication.
Netting, R. M. 1968. Hill Farmers of Nigeria: Cultural Ecology of the Kofyar of The Jos Plateau, University of Washington, Press Seattle.
Ogundele, S. O. 1989. Settlement Archaeology In Tivland: A Preliminary Report. West African Journal of Archaeology. Vol. 19.
Ogundele, S.O. 1990. The Use of Ethno-archaeology In Tiv Culture History. African Notes. Vol. 14.
Ogundele, S.O. 1994. Notes On Ungwai Settlement Archaeology. Journal of Science Research. Vol. 1.
Shaw, T.& Daniells, S. G. H. 1984. Excavations At Iwo-Eleru, Ondo State, Nigeria. West African Journal of Archaeology. Vol.14.
Soper, R. 1981. The Walls of Oyo Ile. West African Journal of Archaeology. Vol. 10/11.
Sokpo, A. 1990. Personal Communication.


[Note] This is a report sent with a letter of 18th December 1995 from Dr. Ogundele. This report shows the situation of archaeological activities in Nigeria. Appropriate support to the Nigerian archaeologists would inprove the difficult situation.

Department of Archaeology, Okayama University
NIIRO Izumi 20th Feb. 1996

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Columnweddingdresses
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Icon 1 posted 02 September, 2005 11:51 AM Profile for ausar Author's Homepage Send New Private Message Edit/Delete Post Reply With Quote From: "Susan C Anton" <susan.anton@nyu.edu> [Add to Address Book] Add to Address Book
To: email withheld


Date: Fri, 02 Sep 2005 12:26:22 -0400
Subject: Re: North African ''caucasoid'' and European nose opening Tut-ankh-amu

Dear name withheld,,
Thanks for your email. I actually didn't choose the term "North
African
Caucasoid" that is the term used by another team (there were three that
worked on separate reconstructions). The French team was responsible
for the reconstruction that was on the cover of National Geographic
Magazine and they also used that term.

Our team, myself and Michael Anderson of Yale, were the ones that did
the plaster reconstruction without knowledge of whose skull we were
working on. I did the biological profile (assessment of age at death,
sex and ancestry), Michael made the actual reconstruction. Based on
the
physical characters of the skull, I concluded that this was the skull
of
a male older than 15 but less than 21, and likely in the 18-20 year
range and of African ancestry, possibly north african. The possibly
north african came mostly from the shape of the face including the
narrow nose opening, that is not entirely consistent with an 'African'
designation. A narrow nose is more typical of more northerly located
populations because nose breadth is thought to be at least in part
related to the climate in which ancestral populations lived. A narrow
and tall nose is seen most frequently in Europeans. Tut's head was a
bit of a conundrum, but, as you note, there is a huge range of
variation
in modern humans from any area, so for me the skull overall, including
aspects of the face, spoke fairly strongly of his African origins - the
nose was a bit unusual. Because their is latitudinal variation in
several aspects of the skull (including nose size/shape), the
narrowness
of the nose suggested that he might be from a northerly group. This is
also, I presume, what the French focussed on. I have not been in
direct
contact with the French group, but my understanding is that by their
definition of 'caucasoid' they include Peoples from North Africa,
Peoples from Western Asia (and the Caucasus, from where the term
derives), and Eureopean peoples. So I don't think that they were
referring to a specific set of those peoples. I personally don't find
that term all that useful and so I don't use it. That it was
attributed
to me by the media is an incorrect attribution on their part. I also
never said he had a European nose, although I am sure I did say that
the
narrow nose was what led me to suggest North Africa as a possibility
and
that a narrow nose is more typically seen in Europe. Not a great
sound-bit that, so I guess it gets shortened to European nose.

As you also note, skin color today in North Africa can range from much
lighter than what they chose to much darker. And we don't know how
well today's range matches that of the past, although I suspect there
was also a range of variation in the past, as is normal for any
biological population. Michael's reconstruction did not include an
inference of skin color (or eye color), the French team's did and their
inference was, I understand, based on a 'average' skin tone for Egypt
today. I don't know the specifics of how they did that. I think,
however, it would have been as accurate to have had the same facial
reconstruction with either a lighter tone or a darker tone to the skin.
That said, skin and eye color will always be an inference.

I hope that helps explain.
----------------------------------------------------------------
Classic Bridesmaid Dresses|Maternity Wedding Dresses|Black Junior Bridesmaid Dresses|Sheath Wedding Dresses

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weddingdresses Column

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Ish Geber
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Back to reality.


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"We also compare Egyptian body proportions to those of modern American Blacks and Whites... Long bone stature regression equations were then derived for each sex. Our results confirm that, although ancient Egyptians are closer in body proportion to modern American Blacks than they are to American Whites, proportions in Blacks and Egyptians are not identical... Intralimb indices are not significantly different between Egyptians and American Blacks... brachial indices are definitely more ‘African ’... There is no evidence for significant variation in proportions among temporal or social groupings; thus, the new formula may be broadly applicable to ancient Egyptian remains." ("Stature estimation in ancient Egyptians: A new technique based on anatomical reconstruction of stature." Michelle H. Raxter, Christopher B. Ruff, Ayman Azab, Moushira Erfan, Muhammad Soliman, Aly El-Sawaf,(Am J Phys Anthropol. 2008, Jun;136(2):147-5

Origins of dental crowding and malocclusions: an anthropological perspective.

Rose JC, Roblee RD.

Compend Contin Educ Dent. 2009 Jun;30(5):292-300.

The study of ancient Egyptian skeletons from Amarna, Egypt reveals extensive tooth wear but very little dental crowding, unlike in modern Americans. In the early 20th century, Percy Raymond Begg focused his research on extreme tooth wear coincident with traditional diets to justify teeth removal during orthodontic treatment. Anthropologists studying skeletons that were excavated along the Nile Valley in Egypt and the Sudan have demonstrated reductions in tooth size and changes in the face, including decreased robustness associated with the development of agriculture, but without any increase in the frequency of dental crowding and malocclusion. For thousands of years, facial and dental reduction stayed in step, more or less. These analyses suggest it was not the reduction in tooth wear that increased crowding and malocclusion, but rather the tremendous reduction in the forces of mastication, which produced this extreme tooth wear and the subsequent reduced jaw involvement. Thus, as modern food preparation techniques spread throughout the world during the 19th century, so did dental crowding. This research provides support for the development of orthodontic therapies that increase jaw dimensions rather than the use of tooth removal to relieve crowding.


"Despite the difference, Gebel Ramlah [the Western Desert- Saharan region] is closest to predynastic and early dynastic samples from Abydos, Hierakonpolis, and Badari.."

the Badarians were a "good representative of what the common ancestor to all later predynastic and dynastic Egyptian peoples would be like"

"A comparison of Badari to the Naqada and Hierakonpolis samples .. contradicts the idea of a foreign origin for the Naqada (Petrie, 1939; Baumgartel, 1970)"

Evidence in favor of continuity is also demonstrated by comparison of individual samples. "Naqada and especially Hierakonpolis share close affinities with First-Second Dynasty Abydos.. These findings do not support the concept of a foreign dynastic ''race''"

"Thus, despite increasing foreign influence after the Second Intermediate Period, not only did Egyptian culture remain intact (Lloyd, 2000a), but the people themselves, as represented by the dental samples, appear biologically constant as well."

(Joel D. Irish (2006). Who Were the Ancient Egyptians? Dental Affinities Among Neolithic Through Postdynastic Peoples. Am J Phys Anthropol. 2006 Apr;129(4):529-43.)

Africans have the highest dental diversity
"Previous research by the first author revealed that, relative to other modern peoples, sub-Saharan Africans exhibit the highest frequencies of ancestral (or plesiomorphic) dental traits... The fact that sub-Saharan Africans express these apparently plesiomorphic characters, along with additional information on their affinity to other modern populations, evident intra-population heterogeneity, and a world-wide dental cline emanating from the sub-continent, provides further evidence that is consistent with an African origin model." (Irish JD, Guatelli-Steinberg D.(2003) Ancient teeth and modern human origins: an expanded comparison of African Plio-Pleistocene and recent world dental samples. Hum Evol. 2003 Aug;45(2):113-44.)


The pattern is always the same. Moving from the South up to the North.

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Ish Geber
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quote:
Originally posted by Sundiata:


Dear Sustan Anton,

Many people from the horn of Africa have narrower nose
profiles than say a bantu. I feel that perhaps
forensic scientist should have used people from the
Horn of Africa as their model instead of such a narrow
consideration. Are you familiar with the ''Hamitic
myth'' that postulated that caucasoids from early
times came into Africa and civlized the more sedentary
''negriod'' population. Thus all narrow features found
in Nilotic types,Northern Africans,and eastern
Africans were atributed to these Hamitic immigrants.

You might want to consult the works of
bio-anthropologist Dr. Shomarka Keita and also Jean
Hiernax. Are you familiar with these groups.

Let me also point out that many modern Egyptians from
the area Tut-ankh-amun came from have features like
avelouar porgnathism. Was this taken into
consideration?

Yes this is true and this is precisely why I felt (although I did not
know where the individual was from) that this was an individual of
African ancestry, and why I so stated. The problem, as you say, in
trying to fit an individual back into a population of origin is
two-fold. It is the problem of the range of variation available in any
given population and the problem of how you wish to define your groups
and what your comparative samples are. For my 'north african' I will
mean simply those peoples from north of the equator - rather than say
Morocco etc. I should also say that I don't see his narrow nose as an
indication that he is not african or that he or his people had any
genetic input from groups that were not african - it was only another
clue for me to try to narrow the scope somewhat (since I had an unknown
and 'African origin' is a pretty big designation), if imperfectly.

Yes, alveolar prognathism was taken into account (at least by me, I
can't speak for the other groups) and is another part of the reason for
my estimation of African ancestry in this individual. You should
recall
that all the other groups that worked on this individual knew that this
was Tut's skull. We did not know either who this was particularly or
if
it was a forensic case or an archaeological case (I worked from the CT
reconstruction of the skull from which it is impossible to infer such
age clues as you might.) For part of the analysis I ran cranial
metrics
through FORDISC which has two alternative cranial comparative
databases.
One is a modern forensic database from individuals of known cases in
the states. The other is an archaeologically derived sample (the one
that W.W. Howells collected) which does include indviduals from Egypt
among a number of other wordlwide populations. Although I was
convinced
by the nonmetric data (e.g. the alveolar prognathism, the shape of the
cranial vault etc),
that this was an individual of African ancestry, the metric data -
whether compared with the modern sample or the archaeological sample -
did
not place him near any of the comparative groups.

Yes, I'm familiar with the work of the groups you site - and concur
with
Keita that individuals from the whole of Africa should be included in
the construct of what is 'African' in terms of identifying skeletal
remains (rather than the categories which the French team uses) and
this
is why this skull ended up indicating to me its African Ancestry.

I am familiar with Howells database and this same
database has come under fire for correct examination
of individuals. What time period does the FORDISC have
these Egyptian sames. In the study by Dr. Keita it
meantions that it was a late dyanstic period ''Giza
E'' series. According to the study by Dr. Sonia
Zakrzewski the sample in the Howells database came
from the 26th dyansty. According to her study on
pre-dyanstic Egyptian remains there was slight change
in the crania from around the Late Dyanstic period.
This is to be expected because of the migration of
Greeks,Jews,Phonecians and Syrians into Egypt. What
is your opinion on this?

Although not related, I find that forensic
anthropologist and geneticist are often ignorant of
historical population movements in areas they study.
For instance, in modern Egypt there is a village in
southern Egypt called Marris where according to
folklore the local women were raped by French
soliders. These females are typically lighter than the
surrounding Egyptian population. What is your opinion
on this.

Yes, this is the problem with comparative databases. It is not
feasible
to include examples from every possible place and time and so you get
results, like I did in this case, where if you read the statistics
carefully, even though it is giving you an answer (in this case it said
that the skull I was looking at was most like a Berg Male) the specimen
in question doesn't really look like anything in the comparative sample
(recent or the archaeological). It is the case that the Howells
database egyptian sample is the Giza series you refer to and even if
that sample doesn't have influences from the groups that you mention,
there is clearly no reason to expect that a single series from a single
time should tell you about the entire range of variation in that
region.
Since I didn't know where the skull was from there wasn't any way to
say, well, if I had more samples from X place, perhaps I would have a
better read - so all I could deduce from that comparison was that it
wasn't like anything in the comparative databse. But the nonmetric
traits were convincing enough to me that he was of African origin, that
this is what I went with and what Michael worked with.

I think that historic populations movements are only the tip of the
iceberg as to what makes determining ancestral origin from skeletal
remains extremely difficult in most cases and nearly impossible in
others. The biggest reason for this is that humans are all one
species.
And beyond that discrete boundary (that we are humans rather than say
chimps) there are no other discrete boundaries among human groups. So
if boundaries aren't discrete, if there is more variation between than
within groups, then trying to put an individual back into a group is
really problematic. Biologically, there should be no reason you should
be able to do it 100% of the time. Biologically, the most you should
expect would be able to do it maybe 70 or 80% of the time, if there is
no operator error and if your comparative samples are good. There are
good evolutionary reasons why groups whose ancestors have lived in
certain kinds of climates over long periods of time might look, on
average, different than groups evolving in other areas - but there is
no
reason why any given member of either group will look like the 'mean'
of
that group. You see the problem. And that doesn't even address the
issue of trying to infer skin color for which there is no evidence in
the skeleton.

My real name is *****. The reason I don't use
> it in email is for security purposes. I don't trust
> yahoo enough to give out personal information.
>
>
> I appreciate you answering my questions about the
> identification of Tut-ankh-amun. One thing I did
> notice in a Ontario news paper about identification of
> a burn victim that according to forensic officals was
> a ''dark caucasian'' from Egypt,Sudan,Somalia,or
> Ethiopia? I am curious why would foresnic scientist
> use such terms for these following countries?
>
>
> Also do you know how I might contact the French
> examiner of Tut-ankh-amun? I would like to ask them
> also how they came to the conclusions they did.

Hi ****,
Thanks for your answer.

Not knowing the case I don't know the answer. The most straightforward
answer would be that they have unburned skin retained on the corpse and
I can imagine it might be because they have an unidentified person and
they are trying to jog someone's memory about who it might be and they
think that this might help. It could be they were using the same
definition of 'caucasian' as the French did (i.e., including parts of
Africa in the designation) or it could be that they had some other
means
of knowing that the victim was from one of those countries and they
were
specifying 'dark caucasian' based on skin color (from the corpse) to
differentiate from a darker skin tone that they think people might
assume for those countries (i.e., in the latter case they would be
using
caucasian to refer to a light skin color). So much of forensic
evidence
is not based on the skeleton that it's not even possible to know,
unless
the article explicitly said so, whether evaluation of the skeleton had
anything to do with their assessment and categories. There are so many
possibilities it's hard to know. Sorry I can't be more help.

I don't know how to reach the French team, although from the Nat Geo
press releases I know they are Anthropologist Jean-Noël Vignal and
Sculptor Elisabeth Daynès. You might try searching the web - I've seen
her work in museums before so she may have a website. From the Nat Geo
website
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/05/0510_051005_tutsface.html
I extracted the following information. There are also other links
there
to the reconstruction process.

"Led by Zahi Hawass, head of Egypt's Supreme Council of Antiquities, a
National Geographic Society team commissioned French experts to create
the lifelike bust. Using the CT scans (see "King Tut Mummy Scanned"),
French forensic anthropologist Jean-Noël Vignal determined the basic
measurements and features of Tutankhamun's face. Vignal deduced that
Tutankhamun had a narrow nose, buck teeth, a receding chin, and
Caucasian features. Such features are typical of European, North
African, Middle Eastern, and Indian peoples.

Paris-based forensic sculptor Elisabeth Daynès then created the bust
shown above. She used Vignal's estimates of skin thickness and other
data, plus wooden sculptures of Tut made in his youth. Soft-tissue
features, such as the nose and ears, had to be guessed at, though
within
a scientifically determined range. Daynès based the skin tone on an
average shade of Egyptians today and added the eyeliner that the king
would have worn in life."

btw there is no gag order for Scott Woodard's studies..they are all available online and he does not support your claims for Yuya.


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Above you can see the expression by multiple artist, but the basis essentially is always the same.


Back to reality of the tropical adapted, alveolar prognathic African with overbite.


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Posts: 22234 | From: האם אינכם כילדי הכרית אלי בני ישראל | Registered: Nov 2010  |  IP: Logged | Report this post to a Moderator
Njii
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Why bother with an obvious racist. I don't expect any truth or honesty from a white Egyptologist.
Posts: 87 | From: California | Registered: Aug 2014  |  IP: Logged | Report this post to a Moderator
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