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Human Mobility and Identity:..GARAMANTES (2019)
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[QUOTE]Originally posted by Shebitku: [QB] [QUOTE]Of the main interest during this period is the evidence of some 'gender'-specific variations. For the late 3rd millennium bp, especially in the cemetery of Tahala, we have genetic indication of a marked sub-Saharan flow in the females, when compared to the males: this may be cautiously related to an increasing exogamy of these pastoral groups. Moreover, the 'black', sub-Saharan pool may be hypothetically considered as a first attestation of the practice to get women from southernmost territories. This practice lasted for millennia: according to the historians, [b]Garamantes sacked women from the south, and this habit has been rather spread until the last centuries, especially within the Tuareg and Tebu[/b] populations (e.g., Fantoli 1933). Combining this evidence with archaeological data, the marked articulation of the ritual practices well matches with the diffusion of these structures in a 'mixed' and increasingly stratified society.[/QUOTE]- Savino De Lernia et al, Sand, Stones, and Bones. The Archaeology of Death in The Wadi Tanezzuft Valley (5000-2000 bp), 2002 [QUOTE][b]The excavation of 32 Proto-Urban burials (c.500-1 BC) has shed light on the nature of burial rite and grave inclusions prior to the mass influx of imported Mediterranean goods in the first century AD.[/b] Ceramics were uncommonly used in funerary contexts at this time (9 of 32 burials) - and many of the finds of early ceramics in the cemetery zones seem to relate to their use as offering vessels outside of tombs. The main classes of goods that can be identified as intentional grave offerings in the early periods were beads and amulets (22 of 32 burials), with a persistent presence of organic materials, such as foodstuffs, textile shrouds or garments, leather shrouds, headrests and matting.[b] A number of unusual inorganic finds can also be highlighted as in the case of the young woman buried with a haematite lip-plug or another woman with a lump of red ochre bound to her hand[/b]. In the Classic Garamantian period (c.AD 1-400, 107 burials), there was an extraordinary rise in the numbers and range of material placed in Garamantian burials of all types, most obviously pottery (both imports and handmade vessels) and glass vessels (97 of 107 burials).[/QUOTE]- David J. Mattingly et al, Burials, Migration and Identity in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond, 2019 [QUOTE]The combination of morphometric and isotopic work further reinforces the view that Garamantian society included individuals of diverse geographical origin, some of whom may have been first generation Trans-Saharan migrants. These findings are reinforced by the discovery of the interment of [b]a young woman of Sub-Saharan physiognomy wearing a distinctive lip plug of Sahelian type excavated during the Desert Migrations Project, dating to the later first millennium BC. This ornament demonstrates that some Garamantian individuals shared aspects of their material culture with Sahelian societies[/b] more broadly, either through migration or contact, [b]while their burial within Garamantian cemeteries shows their integration into the normative funerary rituals of contemporary Garamantian society[/b] as suggested by the results of the isotopic and craniometrics analyses. In combination, [b]these results support the hypothesis of a vivid trading community that maintained a resident population through centuries, and one which was enriched by multiple-sourced Trans-Saharan migrations[/b], as offered throughout this volume.[/QUOTE]- Ronika K. Power et al, Burials, Migration and Identity in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond, 2019 [QUOTE]Usually the potter in a household production is a female member of the family, a fact confirmed by numerous ethnographic parallels in the Sahel area as well (e.g. Gallay et al. 1996). If Garamantian pottery was made by a female family member in every village of Fezzan, always following the same tradition from the beginning (roulette decoration, globular jars and grog inclusions), we may wonder if this happened because the potter was always a woman of Sahelian origins, using techniques learned from her mother and part of her own group identity. Since this tradition was not present in Fezzan prior to the Final Pastoral and is clearly associated with Garamantian culture, we must assume that the potter did not belong to earlier (Pastoral) local groups. The anthropological evidence showing a southern connection for some female bodies of the Final Pastoral, as well as historical sources describing Garamantes abducting women from the south (di Lernia and Manzi eds. 2002; cf. Chapter 37) seems to confirm this hypothesis. In my opinion, [b]we are not dealing with "black women slaves" but with women who were part of the family (intermarriage)[/b]. As mentioned above, the Final Pastoral is a period of a "multi-faceted" culture with influences from all over North Africa. With this in mind, it is illogical that the pottery shows no variation, particularly if the ceramic production was connected with the elite or with special functions within the society. Moreover, within the family there were certainly women of different provenance and again it is unclear why none of them was manufacturing pottery in their own tradition. The only explanation I can suggest at the moment is that making pottery was a "secondary" activity in Garamantian society and was the prerogative of women of a specific provenance. A sort of "caste", like the forgeron in Tuareg society, is a possible hypothesis. It is interesting to note that in the modern societies of the Inland Niger Delta potters are always wives and daughters of craftsmen, who thus belong to a specific caste (Gallay et al. 1996). The peculiarity of this situation seems not to be connected with the highest class (elite) but with the lowest rank of Garamantian society.[/QUOTE]- Maria Carmela Gatto, Aghram Nadharif. The Barkat Oasis (Sha’abiya of Ghat, Libyan Sahara) in Garamantian Times. The Archaeology of Libyan Sahara Volume II, 2005 [QUOTE][b]Discovery of artefacts and practices correlating to particular Sub-Saharan cultural systems might provide further insights into contacts between these regions[/b], but the specificity of such practices must be kept in mind. [b]Pot burials were distinctive of southern Lake Chad Basin sites, for example, but there is no reason to think that such burials would be permitted among enslaved people in Fazzan[/b]. The fascinating discovery of a female burial with a lip-plug in a Garamantian cemetery certainly hints at Sub-Saharan affinities, but provides little further information than that, given the wide distribution of this artefact type. [b]Other artefact types and production techniques [/b](for example, hand-made pottery or roulette decoration) [b]may also indicate Sub-Saharan origins[/b], but again provide rather little specific information on where those origins might be. [b]A significant sample of distinctive decorative motifs might show the movement of pots themselves, while analyses of forming practices in the ‘chaîne opératoire’ of ceramic production could indicate the presence of Sub-Saharan potters on Garamantian sites – but to this point samples do not exist for these investigations. It is likely that, in the medium term at least, archaeometric analyses of specific artefact types found on either Saharan or Sub-Saharan sites will continue to provide the most useful information on material flows, whether these involve ceramics, stone or glass beads or other materials that can often be sourced with some precision.[/b][/QUOTE]- Scott MacEachern, Burials, Migration and Identity in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond, 2019 [QUOTE]I have been unable to find samples of Tibu pottery in British museums for comparison, but as the nomadic Arabs do not make pottery, there can be little doubt that these pots are of Tibu origin. Rough pottery is made by both the Tibu of Tibesti, and the Guraan and Bideyat of Ouadaï and Ennedi. Some half a dozen baskets of various types were found, in both plaited and coiled techniques. Most of the latter were shallow, round, basin-like vessels; the former limp bags very similar to the maktaf of the Egyptian fellahin.[/QUOTE]- R.F. Peel, The Tibu Peoples and the Libyan Desert, 1942 [QUOTE]The presence of both pearl millet and sorghum suggest first millennium BC diffusion of arable traditions from the Sahel, while cotton must have spread westwards from Nubia and the Egyptian oases by the later Classical Garamantian period.[/QUOTE]- David J. Mattingly et al, The Archaeology of Fazzan, Vol. 2 [QUOTE][b]The similarities under discussion are lately also the consequence of stable, long-distance contacts between the various north African regions as part of the trans-Saharan caravan trade circuit.[/b] In this context, [b]it is interesting to note that all the aforementioned regions connect the central Sahara with the Inland Niger Delta on one side, and with the Sudanese Nile Valley on the other, both the southern ends of the trans-Saharan trade circuit.[/b] However, it must be remembered that the Garamantian pottery tradition originates in around the beginning of the first millennium BC, during the Final Pastoral phase, while the trans-Saharan circuit, according to ancient sources and as noted by Liverani (cf. Chapter 36), developed some centuries later with the foundation of Phoenician, Greek and Roman colonies along the north African coast. Consequently, [b]we should[/b] probably [b]seek a different cause for the rise of the Garamantian pottery (and cultural) tradition, more related to the cultural dynamics of the Final Pastoral than to the caravan circuit.[/b][/QUOTE]- Maria Carmela Gatto, Aghram Nadharif. The Barkat Oasis (Sha’abiya of Ghat, Libyan Sahara) in Garamantian Times. The Archaeology of Libyan Sahara Volume II, 2005 [QUOTE][b]Those taking Herodotus' account verbatim might be disappointed that he remained silent on living merchandises potentially added to that gold (such as humans, i.e. slaves), but other parts of his text are conveniently interpreted with a view to slave raiding and trading[/b]: the Garamantes hunting the swift-footed Aithiopian Troglodytes on four-horse chariots. Whilst the chariots are identified in the form of Saharan rock art, the Troglodytes remain mysterious. [b]Although the ancient Greek text does neither state whether these hunts were slave raids or not, nor where they actually took place, the frequent re-interpretation of this text passage was jointly responsible for the creation of the myth of Saharan slave raids against Black Africans in classical times.[/b][/QUOTE]- Sonja Magnavita and Carlos Magnavita, Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past, 2018 [QUOTE]Most authors support the theory that Muzzolini’s “groupe d’Iheren-Tahilahi” pictographs and similar paintings show “proto-Berbers”. “Horse Period” images, and to a certain extent also “Camel Period” pictures, are usually interpreted in connection with North African groups as well. Especially “flying gallop chariots”, like the ones at Tamajert (Tassili) and Ti-n-Anneuin (Acacus), have been repeatedly linked to the Garamantes. Crude “Horse” and “Camel Period” petroglyphs which are vaguely reminiscent of Ancient Egyptian pictures of plumed “Libyans” have become known as “Libyan Warriors”. More or less limited to the Adrar des Ifoghas (Mali), the Aïr and the Northern Tibesti, they typically depict men armed with spears whose heads are adorned with large feathers. [b]As far as the “Pastoral Period” and the later phases are concerned, it appears that, generally speaking, biologically sub-Saharan populations were gradually replaced by biologically “mixed” and biologically North African groups in the Sahara’s more northerly regions. It should, however, be borne in mind that this change was probably not a uniform process.[/b][/QUOTE]- Erik Becker, The prehistoric inhabitants of the Wadi Howar : an anthropological study of human skeletal remains from the Sudanese part of the Eastern Sahara, 2011 [QUOTE]Originally posted by Lioness: [IMG]https://images2.imgbox.com/2a/fa/aULGvOCA_o.png[/IMG][/QUOTE][IMG]https://pbs.twimg.com/media/F9U1KZvWsAA378m?format=jpg&name=medium[/IMG] [QUOTE]A visual comparison of the face of ZIN013.T171 and GSC030.T4 (SM-K1) clearly illustrates the differences identified here (Fig. 4.6). If GSC030 is correctly identified as a Late Garamantian royal cemetery, the presence of individuals with features that are typically Sub-Saharan alongside individuals with features more typical of the overall al-Ajal sample is an interesting reflection on the possibilities of Garamantian social structures.[/QUOTE]- Ronika K. Power et al, Burials, Migration and Identity in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond, 2019 [QUOTE]various passages written by, for example, Herodotos, Strabon and Ptolemaeus indicate that the Garamantes of the Fezzan used chariots to raid the “Ethiopians” of the African interior.[b] These sources also imply that the Garamantes were, in regard to their own status as “Ethiopians”, either not a homogeneous group or a population whose ancestry was “mixed”.[/b][/QUOTE]- Erik Becker, The prehistoric inhabitants of the Wadi Howar : an anthropological study of human skeletal remains from the Sudanese part of the Eastern Sahara, 2011 [QUOTE]Ethiopians are so called after a son of Ham named Cush, from whom they have their origin. In Hebrew, Cush means "Ethiopian." 128. This nation, which formerly emigrated from the region of the river Indus, settled next to Egypt between the Nile and the Ocean, in the south very close to the sun. [b]There are three tribes of Ethiopians: Hesperians, Garamantes, and Indians. Hesperians are of the West, Garamantes of Tripolis, and the Indians of the East.[/b] 129. The Trochodites (i.e. Troglodytes) are a tribe of Ethiopians so called because they run with such speed that they chase down wild animals on foot (cf. тpoxázev, "run quickly"; TρéXEIV, "run"). 130. The Pamphagians are also in Ethiopia. Their food is whatever can be chewed, and anything living that they come upon-whence they are named (cf. wav-, "all"; payɛiv, "eat"). 131. Icthyophagians (cf. Ix90s, "fish"), who excel in fishing at sea and survive on fish alone. They occupy the mountainous regions beyond the Indians, and Alexander the Great conquered them and forbade them to eat fish. 132. Anthropophagians are a very rough tribe situated below the land of the Sirices. They feed on human flesh and are therefore named 'maneaters' (anthropophagus; cf. äv9pwπos, "man"). As is the case for these nations, so for others the names have changed over the centuries in accordance with their kings, or their locations, or their customs, or for whatever other reasons, so that the primal origin of their names from the passage of time is no longer evident.[/QUOTE] https://bpb-us-e2.wpmucdn.com/sites.uci.edu/dist/6/1951/files/2019/04/Isidore-on-race.pdf [QUOTE][b]Another reason for negative portrayal of blacks in Roman literature is the pressure exerted by Saharan tribesmen (many of whom would have undoubtedly had dark skin color) on the southern African fringe of the Roman Empire in late third century. Some of these people were marauders and traders who began to threaten the countryside and emerald mines of Upper Egypt after centuries of peaceful Roman-Meroitic relations[/b], but the threat of menace from Saharan barbari was felt throughout the southern parts of every Roman African province. It would be instructive to here look at an epigram by an anonymous Romano-African poem describing a Saharan marauder from the south: The riff-raff of the Garamantians [Saharan tribe] came up to our part of the world, and a black slave rejoices in his pitch-colored body; a frightful spook who would scare even grown by his appearance were it not that the sounds issuing from his lips proclaim him human. Hadrumeta [a town in modern-day Tunisia], let the fearsome regions of the dead carry off for their own use this weird creature of yours. He ought to be standing guard at the home of the god of the nether world (Anth. Lat. 183; cf. Thompson 1989.36). This is the most extended and vitriolic denunciation of the black somatic type I have yet encountered in my readings. It stands out for a couple of reasons. Firstly, the Latin word translated “riff-raff” is faex, which could also be translated “shit.” Such a term degrades the people with which it is associated to a sub-human standing. Secondly, Thompson points out that the violent tone of this piece suggests something beyond “a simple sensory aversion to negritude, mockery of an alien and unfamiliar somatic appearance, or a concern with voicing a stereotype [of an association with death] of the Aethiops” (1989.37). He observes that the Latin for “slave” here is verna, which could more specifically mean “household slave.” This would mean that [b]the black slave who is rejoicing in the second line is not one of the Garamantians[/b] who had been captured and brought up to Hadrumetum, but a black slave born and bred in the city, who finds the bringing of another black-colored slave from the south a cause for celebration. Thus, “we may have here an imputation which presumes sympathy and collaboration with barbarian marauders from the Sahara on the part of one or more local blacks at Hadrumetum, and the hostility reflected by the epic would thus also possess a scapegoating dimension” (1989.37). Assuming that the slaves of Hadrumetum are not Garamantian in origin, [b]this passage could be the only insinuation of a “brotherhood” of Aethiops types in the Roman Empire based primarily on somatic similarity.[/b][/QUOTE]Evin Demirel,Roman Depiction of the Aethiops in Literature and Artwork, 2005 [QUOTE]It remains uncertain to what extent this represented a large-scale migration of ‘Mediterranean’ Africans taking over spaces formerly occupied by the Neolithic herders or on the other hand an amalgamation of surviving elements of the Neolithic pastoralists with smaller Berber elements. [b]The rock art evidence suggests that the pastoralists associated with the early phases of Neolithic rock art were primarily black[/b], but in the Late Pastoral period there are also images of light-skinned people of different physiognomy. [b]Some of the evidence from the Early Garamantian phase supports the amalgamation theory, rather than the notion of direct replacement.[/b] In particular, the Early Garamantian funerary structures and settlements like Zinkekra featured material elements that were very similar to the Late Pastoral ones, alongside things that were obvious innovations brought from outside the Sahara. [b]Whilst some, such as the developed agricultural package, attest to connection with the Nilo-Mediterranean world, others, such as the ceramic technology with roulette decoration and grog temper, attest to connection with West and Sub-Saharan Africa.6 The latter reminds us that the amalgamation process relied on multidirectional connectedness.[/b][/QUOTE]- Martin Sterry et al, Burials, Migration and Identity in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond, 2019 [QUOTE]One might be tempted to argue that the more tropical build of Ain Dokhara 1 suggests that humans associated with the Capsian industry reflect a later increase in gene flow and/or migration from subSaharan Africa, with the Capsians genetically distinct from the older ‘Iberomaurusian’ populations (an argument that has been made historically: Camps, 1974; Dutour, 1995; but see Lubell et al., 1984; Irish, 2000).[/QUOTE]- T. W. Holliday, Population Affinities of the Jebel Sahaba Skeletal Sample: Limb Proportion Evidence, 2013 [QUOTE]At some time, perhaps around the end of the second millennium, frescos begin to show elongated white men with characteristic long hair and pointed beards. Some confirmation of this racial shift comes from physical anthropology, although [b]the skeletons seem to show closer resemblance to groups from the upper Nile Valley than to contemporary material from the Maghreb.[/b][/QUOTE]- Michael Brett & Elizabeth Fentress , The Berbers, 1997 [QUOTE]Preliminary results obtained from ancient DNA studies are presented in Chapter 13, by Carla Babalini and co-workers. [b]Mitochondrial DNA extraction was attempted upon a sub-sample of human teeth from ten individuals.[/b] The mtDNA locus was selected due to its maternal inheritance pattern, high copy number, simple structure and relatively fast rate of mutational change. Analysis was undertaken upon the two hypervariable regions and region V. The authors report that the mtDNA from the individuals from site 96/129 was reasonably distinct from that obtained from the other sampled material. [b]Only one individual was fully characterised, and was found to be a member of an African haplotype (L3).[/b][/QUOTE] https://www.ucl.ac.uk/prehistoric/reviews/04_03_lernia.htm [QUOTE]Herodotus speaks firstly of an unwarlike tribe of Garamantes near the Mediterranean coast, to the north of the Psylli and Nasamones; secondly, inland in the desert he speaks of (1) the Ammonians, (2) Augila, whence the Nasamones fetch dates, (3) [b]the Garamantes who hunt the Troglodytes of Egypt[/b] in chariots and live 30 days from the land of the Lotophagi. Herodotus says all these people in the interior are nomads… The general impression deducible from these quotations is that the [b]Garamantes were a nomad race covering a very large stretch of country from Fezzán (and even north of it) as far as Upper Egypt: they may have extended even further south, for to the historian writing in the north, the wide spaces of the south would naturally be foreshortened. So then[/b], if we make all allowances for the vagueness of the old geographists [b]it will appear that, on the west, the country at present inhabited by the Kura'án; on the south-east, the "desert of Goran"; and, on the north, the southern part of the country of the ancient Garamantes, may be said jointly to include those inhospitable tracts over which the Eastern Tuwarek (part descendants of the old nomad Berbers) and Tibbu still roam.[/b][/QUOTE]- Harold MacMichael, The Tribes of Northern and Central Kordofán, 1912 [/QB][/QUOTE]
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