Hypocritical "biodiversity" types talk about "merit," but the record shows that numerous alleged white "role models" secured their positions not by "merit" and skill, but by political activity, corruption and manipulation, feeding heavily from the taxpayer purse. Decades of such manipulation and corruption enabled them to lock out other Americans while they inched up the occupational ladder.
"In the city's building trades such as plumbers and the masons, Irish-dominated unions adopted nepotistic membership requirements that kept out new arrivals... Similarly the Irish used their political connections to entrench themselves in both skilled and unskilled city government jobs for policemen, firefighters, rapid transit workers and school teachers, even before these workers had their unions recognized."
"nepotistic membership requirements that kept out new arrivals... Similarly the Irish used their political connections to entrench themselves in both skilled and unskilled city government jobs for policemen, firefighters, rapid transit workers and school teachers, even before these workers had their unions recognized."
"The work taken by Irish men differed from that of Irish women in some respects, however. Irish men were heavily tied up with the political machine. They could secure employment in municipal services, with the machine a powerful intermediary. This is not to say that Irish women had no connection with the machines in their search for bread. Some Irish women, usually American-born daughters of Irish immigrants were able to teach school through the help of the machine, and as the city expanded its educational services, these women benefited... But for men, connections to politicians, the ability to trade a vote for a job, helped them secure employment on large-scale construction projects, a labor sector that supported many New York Irish families. When in 1865 the New York State Supreme Court building was being constructed, Irish men made up the vast majority of those drawing a paycheck. Other heavily Irish male occupations also depended on the machine and on the governmental process.
As early as 1855 Irish men were the largest group of the cartmen of New York, including those that specialized in doing city work on sanitation, landfill road projects and the like. To be a private cartman one required a license; to work for the municipal government in particular one needed good connections. Even before the massive influx of the feminine Irish in 1843, the Democrat-dominated Common Council gave a large number of market licenses to Irish men, much to the chagrin of native American entrepreneurs." --FROM: Bayor and Meagher 1996, The New York Irish, 96-97
"As a consequence, the public sector employed a full one-third of first, second and third-generation Irish Americans in 1930 compared with just 6 percent in 1900. This patronage helped produce a heavy concentration of Irish in jobs on the fire and police departments and in municipally owned subways, streetcars, waterworks and port facilities. Many of the city's Irish middle class worked on the public payroll, especially in the public schools, and thousands of others labored in construction jobs tied to city expenditures. For second-generation Irish-American women, jobs as schoolteachers were the most sought-after career. Such patronage policies would help to bind the Irish working class and much of the middle class Tammany Hall for another generation." --Bayor and Meagher 1996. The New York Irish, p. 313
While denying blacks full voting rights for a century- well into the 1960s - white America facilitated relatively quick voting rights for recent white Irish i mmigrants off the boat . This enabled the white Irish (including relatively new arrivals) to build political machines and monopolize jobs, while locking out competition from other Americans. Political violence and rioting was frequent as the white Irish monopolists consolidated their stranglehold on some urban areas.
"In 1821 the New York Constitutional Convention eliminated property qualifications for voting and provided universal suffrage for men, except blacks. This momentous step was the underpinning of a rising democracy and for the Irish represented empowerment. Numbers would now count. Politics became a vocation, a consuming passion... FOrmer [New York] mayor and diarist Philip Hone chronicled the 'dreadful' election riots of 1834 when bands of the 'lowest class' Irishmen attacked Americans. In December 1835 he saw the 'low Irishmen again threatening order... 'These Irishmen ,strangers among us without feeling patriotism.. cry down with the natives.' --Bayor and MEagher The New York Irish
Some historians suggest that white elites used the Irish to suppress black progress and played both groups off against the other to maintain their own power.
"In analyzing the outbreaks of violence during the Jacksonian period, Michael Feldberg emphasizs the obvious racialcomponent- that northern rioters were white and intent on sending a message to blacks to 'stay in their place... But another explanation for racial rioting is that is goal, like that of the religious and ethnic riots of the Jacksonia period, was 'preservatist' of class interests. The privileged classes who held economucm social and political power used the riots to maintain their position in the social hierarchy by setting groups lower on the scale against each other." --Cultural Orphans in America. By Diana Loercher Pazicky
WHite Irish overrepresented among the diseased and mentally ill pg 21-23: "The notorious Holy Ground around Murray Street and near Columbia College expanded, as did prostitution. By 1839, the estimate had grown to 11,000 and by 1849 to 50,000. The largest number of "nymphs of the pave" were from Ireland, with most under 23 years of age. Of some 3,100 patients at Bellevue hospital in 1839, 2,052 were Irish, whereas only 618 were from America.. In 1850, 2,742 persons died of cholera; 1,086 were Irish. COmmon diseases were cholera, typhus, dysentery and consumption. In 1849 the Lunatic Asylum admitted 228 natives from Ireland, compared with 84 from New York. In 1849 there were 341 foreigners in the workhouse: 252 were from Ireland and 33 from Germany. In the same year, there were 1,006 Irish in the Alms House, but only 89 from Germany.. "
"Perhaps, the most bitter adjustment the [Irish immigrant] cottiers faced was the disintegration of the family unit. .. [Thomas D' Arcy McGee editor of the Nation] wrote 'If family ties is snapt,, our children become our opponents, and sometimes our worse enemies.' McGee noted with considerable frustration and concern, as did many Americans, this failure of family discipline. The lack of stable relationships enangered the future of the community. " --Bayor and Meagher The NEw York Irish
White groups like the Irish became more "acceptably white" in America by adopting American racism. The Irish were among the most vicious opponents of abolition of slavery for blacks in the 19th century
"Within the discourse of Irish-British relations, colonized Irish Catholics were de facto cast as an inferior race. Yet when Irish entered the black/white discourse of the United States, they could occupy a more ambiguous position in the social hierarchy. Irish Catholics were both despised by Protestant patricians and privileged over African slaves and freed men. Yet, many Irish were able to gain certain power and improve their lot via westward migration, involvement with urban politics (taking advantage of the 1827 amendment of universal white male suffrage), and entry into the burgeoning commercial culture of the American state. In the face of mainstream antipathy, positive Irish American identity was being forged within the preexisting discourse of pro-Protestant white and anti-black Americanism. The classic means for Irish Catholics to defuse longstanding Anglo-American and European-Protestant hatred towards them was to symbolically displace such low valuation placed on them onto an even lower group."
Like other rural groups entering the urban economies, some white groups had huge adjustment problems and a slow rise from poverty. This does not stop hypocritical "biodiversity" types from trying to paint minorities such as blacks as some sort of special case of under-achievers, when in fact, not only had most blacks pulled themselves above the poverty line by the early 1960s but they did this even though blacks faced even worse conditions due to racial discrimination. QUOTE:
"The economic adjustment of the Irish to the realities of New York life did not proceed smoothly or evenly. Poverty remained a grinding and long ordeal. Irish laborers in every enterprise found themselves at the mercy of the vagaries of the economy, with its constant cycles of boom and bust. They suffered low wages, erratic employment, and the constant influx of newer immigrants, who were also willing to accept almost any wage. Indeed, by 1880 the Irish economic situation had not improved substantially. As of that year 20 percent of all the Irish still found themselves in the category of 'laborer,' as opposed to 4 percent of native-born Americans."
"".. New York's Irish did not greet the abolitionist movement with enthusiasm, did not celebrate the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation, or participate in other efforts on behalf of free blacks."
"Whether or not the Irish were suffering more or less than other impoverished new arrivals, it is certainly true that their plight often led to institutionalization where they could be counted. Natives of Ireland accounted for 53.9 percent of New York City's foreign-born population in 1855, but at the city's Bellevue Hospital, 85% of all patients of foreign birth had been born in Ireland.. [Most physicians of the time held that] Abnormallity in the population might be traced to.. the immigration of those already on the road to degeneracy, an inherited predisposition to mental illness, or external elements- and endless list that included alcohol, sexual excesses, improper nutrition, grief, or anxiety. Irish immigrants appeared to have the highest rates of illness in general, and the highest rates of insanity, according to published data of the era.. In New York, three-fourths of the admissions to the city lunatic asylum on Blackwell's Island from 1849 to 1859 were immigrants, two-thirds of these were Irish... Both Irish men and women were reported as being particularly susceptible to schizophrenia and alcohol-related syndromes.... "
".. life was not easy for the rural Irish struggling to adjust to urban America. Statistics on Irish housing find them living in New York's most overcrowded neighborhoods. Figures on income put them more often among the city's paupers than anyone else. Arrest records put them either among the criminals or victims of the police in regard to police brutality and false arrests. Legions of destitute Irish women and men on the one hand offended New Yorkers' sense of civility, but on the other hand became objects of Catholic charity.. The Irish entered lunatic asylums, charity hospitals, prisons, and almshouse more than any other group. They had the city's highest rates of typhus, typhoid fever, cholera, and all the other diseases that accompany hunger, poverty and congestion... --Bayor and Meagher 1996. --The New York Irish pp. 98-112
Another standard mantra among some HDB or "hereditarian" types is of vast job discrimination against the white Irish. But careful scholarship has shown that this is a myth. QUOTE:
"Irish Catholics in America have a vibrant memory of humiliating job discrimination, which featured omnipresent signs proclaiming "Help Wanted--No Irish Need Apply!" No one has ever seen one of these NINA signs because they were extremely rare or nonexistent. The market for female household workers occasionally specified religion or nationality. Newspaper ads for women sometimes did include NINA, but Irish women nevertheless dominated the market for domestics because they provided a reliable supply of an essential service. Newspaper ads for men with NINA were exceedingly rare. The slogan was commonplace in upper class London by 1820; in 1862 in London there was a song, "No Irish Need Apply," purportedly by a maid looking for work. The song reached America and was modified to depict a man recently arrived in America who sees a NINA ad and confronts and beats up the culprit. The song was an immediate hit, and is the source of the myth.
Evidence from the job market shows no significant discrimination against the Irish--on the contrary, employers eagerly sought them out. Some Americans feared the Irish because of their religion, their use of violence, and their threat to democratic elections. By the Civil War these fears had subsided and there were no efforts to exclude Irish immigrants. The Irish worked in gangs in job sites they could control by force. The NINA slogan told them they had to stick together against the Protestant Enemy, in terms of jobs and politics. The NINA myth justified physical assaults, and persisted because it aided ethnic solidarity. After 1940 the solidarity faded away, yet NINA remained as a powerful memory." -- Jensen, Richard. (2002) "No Irish Need Apply": A Myth of Victimization. Journal of Social History 36.2 p405-429.
Irish Archbishop, John Hughes, worked hard to clean upcorruption, violence and dissolution of northern European "role models" - not always successfully.. QUOTE:
[i]"Those who stay are predominantly the scattered debris of the Irish nation." Lost in a land where many didn't want them, violent, without skills, the Irish were in need of rescue. This was Hughes' flock, and he was prepared to ne theirNew York's Irish truly formed an underclass; every variety of social pathology flourished luxuriantly among them. Family life had disintegrated. Thomas D'Arcy McGee, an exiled Irish political radical, wrote in The Nation in 1850: "In Ireland every son was a boy and daughter a girl till he or she was married. They were considered subjects to their parents till they became parents themselves. In America boys are men at sixteen...if (the) family tie is snapped, our children become our opponents and sometimes our worst enemies." McGee saw that the lack of stable family relationships was fatally undermining the Irish community. The immigrants crowded into neighborhoods like Sweeney's Shambles in the city's fourth ward and Five Points in the sixth ward (called the "bloody sixth" for its violence), which Charles Dickens toured in the forties and pronounced "loathsome, drooping and decayed." In The New York Irish, Ronald Bayor and Timothy Meagher report that besides rampant alcoholism, addiction to opium and laudanum was epidemic in these neighborhoods in the 1840s and 1850s.
Many Irish immigrants communicated in their own profanity-filled street slang called, "flash talk": a multi-day drinking spree was "going on a bender," "cracking a can" was robbing a house. Literate English practically disappeared from ordinary conversation. An estimated 50,000 Irish prostitutes, know in flash talk as "nymphs of the pave," worked the city in 1850 and Five Points alone had as many as 17 brothels. Illegitimacy reached stratospheric heights--and tens of thousands of abandoned Irish kids roamed, or prowled, the city's streets. Violent Irish gangs, with names like the Forty Thieves, the B'boys, the Roach Guards, and Chichesters, brought havoc to their neighborhoods. The gangs fought one another and the nativists but primarily they robbed houses and small businesses, and trafficked in stolen property. Over half the people arrested in New York in the 1840s and 1850s were Irish, so that police vans were dubbed, "paddy wagons" and episodes of mob violence in the streets were called "donnybrooks," after a town in Ireland. Death was everywhere. In 1854 one out of every 17 people in the sixth ward died. In Sweeney's Shambles the rate was one out of five in a 22 month period. The death rate among Irish families in New York in the 1850s was 21 percent, while among non-Irish it was 3 percent. Life expectancy for New York's Irish averaged under 40 years. Tuberculosis, which Bishop Hughes called the "natural death of the Irish immigrants," was the leading cause of death, along with drink and violence.
Inflamed by this spectacle of social ruin, nativist sentiment grew and took a nastier, racist turn, no longer attacking primarily the superstition and priestcraft of the Catholic religion but rather the genetic inferiority of the Irish people. Gifted diarist and former mayor George Templeton Strong, for example, wrote that "the gorilla is superior to the Celtic in muscle and hardly their inferior in a moral sense." In the same vein, Harper's in 1851 describe the "Celtic physiognomy" as "simian-like, with protruding teeth and short upturned noses." Celebrated cartoonist Thomas Nast constantly depicted the Irish as closely related to apes, while Orson and Lorenzo Fowler's New Illustrated Self-Instructor in Phrenology and James Redfield's Outline of a New System of Physiognomy gave such ideas the color of science.
By 1850 the New York City lunatic asylum on Blackwell's Island (now Roosevelt Island) was filled with Irish, most of them probably hallucinating alcoholics. Doctors of the day had a different view, speculating that insanity grew from degeneracy and violation of the moral law. Compounding the problem, according to Ralph Parsons, superintendent of the asylum, the Irish were people of exceptionally bad habits. They were, he said, of "a low order of intelligence, and very many of them have imperfectly developed brains. When such persons become insane, the prognosis if unfavorable." Hughes' solution for his flock's social ills was to re-spiritualize them. He wanted to bring about an inner, moral transformation in them, which he believed would solve their social problems in the end. He put the ultimate blame on their condition squarely on the historical oppression they had suffered at the hands of the English, which he said has caused them "to pass away from the faith of their ancestors," robbing them of the cultural heritage that should have guided their behavior. But that was in the past: now it was time for them to regain what they had lost. So he bought abandoned Protestant church buildings in Irish wards, formed parish churches, and sent in parish priests on a mission of urban evangelization aimed at giving the immigrants a faith-based system of values." [ENDQUOTE]
Commentary from on famous European on European "role models"-- again applying the same methods of assorted "biodiversity proponents"..
"The woes of Ireland, or 'justice to Ireland,' is not the chapter we have to write at present. It is a deep matter, an abyssmal one, which no plummet of ours will sound. For the oppression has gone far farther than into the economics of Ireland; inwards to her very heart and soul. The Irish National character is degraded, disordered; till this recover itself, nothing is yet recovered. Immethodic, headlong, violent, mendecious: what can you make of the wretched Irishman? "A finer people never lived," as the Irish lady said to us; "only they have two faults, they do generally lie and steal: barring these"—! A people that knows not to speak the truth, and to act the truth, such people has departed from even the possibility of well-being.
Such people works no longer on Nature and Reality; works now on Fantasm, Simulation, Nonentity; the result it arrives at is naturally not a thing but no-thing,—defect even of potatoes. Scarcity, futility, confusion, distraction must be perennial there. Such a people circulates not order but disorder, through every vein of it;—and the cure, if it is to be a cure, must begin at the heart: not in his condition only but in himself must the Patient be all changed.
Crowds of miserable Irish darken all our towns. The wild Milesian features, looking false ingenuity, restlessness, unreason, misery and mockery, salute you on all highways and byways. The English coachman, as he whirls past, lashes the Milesian with his whip, curses him with his tongue; the Milesian is holding out his hat to beg. He is the sorest evil this country has to strive with. In his rags and laughing savagery, he is there to undertake all work that can be done by mere strength of hand and back; for wages that will purchase him potatoes. He needs only salt for condiment; he lodges to his mind in any pighutch or doghutch, roosts in outhouses; and wears a suit of tatters, the getting off and on of which is said to be a difficult operation, transacted only in festivals and the high tides of the calendar. The Saxon man if he cannot work on these terms, finds no work. He too may be ignorant; but he has not sunk from decent manhood to squalid apehood: he cannot continue there. American forests lie untilled across the ocean; the uncivilised Irishman, not by his strength but by the opposite of strength, drives out the Saxon native, takes possession in his room.
There abides he, in his squalor and unreason, in his falsity and drunken violence, as the ready-made nucleus of degradation and disorder. Whosoever struggles, swimming with difficulty, may now find an example how the human being can exist not swimming but sunk. Let him sink; he is not the worst of men; not worse than this man. We have quarantines against pestilence; but there is no pestilence like that; and against it what quarantine is possible? It is lamentable to look upon." -- Thomas Carlyle, Chartism Chapter IV
Scholar Thomas Sowell (1981, 2004, 1983) notes that many problems identified with blacks in modern society are hardly unique in terms of American ethnic groups, nor in terms of a rural proletariat swept by disruption as it became urbanized.
Heavy patterns of pathology are for example seen in the white peasant migrants to the dismal urban slums that sprung up during the Industrial Revolution in Britain and elsewhere. He maintains that US blacks only became a largely urban people after WWII, when the booming war economy accelerated a third great migration north, allowing millions of blacks to escape the harsh, oppressive conditions of the South. While southern cities also saw some migration, it was this massive wartime era move north that was much more significant, and the arrival of the rural black proletariat into difficult urban conditions broke down many of the social mores and community-generated controls, such as church influence, that had helped maintain its stability in the past. World War I also saw a spurt of urban migration in response to economic demand, but this urbanization was not completed for most blacks until the WWII era.
The work of Ira Berlin (2010) entitled "The making of African America: the four great migrations" (Viking: 2010) confirms Sowell's data, showing that full, majority black urbanization was accomplished only after the WW II era, making blacks relatively recent mass entrants into urban economies that white ethnics had long since operated in. The black urban migrants faced massive discrimination but also social dislocation, with corresponding social problems. Sowell (1981 - Ethnic America- see below) notes that social problems occurring after such migrations are nothing new with other white ethnic groups, who had the advantage of entering, acculturating and adjusting to the urban economy in toto several decades earlier than blacks. The black migrants faced race discrimination above and beyond other ethnic groups, but fundamentally experienced the same social pathologies others did in becoming urbanized. Difficulties with crime, schooling, substance abuse etc. are thus not uniquely "black" problems but are well represented in other urbanizing groups from peasant background. In Ethnic America (1981), for example, Sowell shows that white ethnic groups like the Irish were marked by many of the same patterns as blacks who migrated from rural backgrounds to the big urban centers, including high levels of violence and substance abuse. As regards out-of-wedlock births, the rate in some New York areas with heavy white Irish settlement was over 50%, comparable to what would develop in later black ghettos in the same city.[50]
Sowell sums of some of these claims in his Pink and Brown People and Other Controversial Essays (1981), warning against what he calls the fallacy of presentism:[51]
"Those who cannot swallow pseudo-biology can turn to pseudo-history as the basis for classification. Unique cultural characteristics are now supposed to neatly divide the population. In this more modern version, the ghetto today is a unique social phenomenon.. American ghettos have always had crime, violence, overcrowding, filth, drunkenness, bad school teaching, and worse learning. Nor are blacks historically unique even in the degree of these things. Crime and violence were much worse in the nineteenth-century slums, which were almost all white. The murder rate in Boston in the middle of the nineteenth century was about three times what it was in the middle of the twentieth century. All the black riots of the 1960s put together did not kill half as many people as were killed in one white riot in 1863.. Squalor, dirt, disease? Historically, blacks are neither the first nor last in any of these categories. There were far more immigrants packed into the slums (per room or per square mile) than is the case with blacks today - not to mention the ten thousand to thirty thousand children with no home at all in the nineteenth-century New York... Even in the area where many people get most emotional- educational and IQ test results- blacks are doing nothing that various European minorities did not do before them. As of about 1920, any number of European ethnic groups had I.Q.'s the same or lower than the I.Q.'s of blacks today. As recently as 1940, there were schools on the Lower East Side of New York with academic performances lower than those of schools in Harlem. Much of the paranoia that we talk ourselves into about race is a result of provincialism about our own time as compared to other periods in history."
NOTES: Sowell, T, 1981. Ethnic America Sowell T. 2005, Black Rednecks, White liberals Sowell T. 1983. The Economics and Politics of Race Sowell T. 2004. Affirmative Action around the world Berlin, I. 2010. The making of African America: the four great migrations
Northern European groups also show high rates of violence, criminality, substance abuse and welfare dependency as conservative scholar Thomas Sowell notes. [QUOTE:]
"Such living patterns reflected not only the poverty of the Irish but also their being used to squalid living conditions in mud huts in Ireland... Sewage piled up in backyard privies until the municipal authorities chose to collect it, or else it ran off in open trenches, fouling the air and providing breeding grounds for dangerous diseases. The importance of proper garbage disposal, to keep the neighborhood from being overrun with rats, was one of many similar facts of urban life that every rural group new to the city would have to learn over the years, beginning with the Irish, and continuing through many others until the present day. Cholera, which had been unknown before, swept through Boston in 1849, concentrated almost exclusively in Irish neighborhoods. In New York, cholera was also disproportionately observed in Irish wards. In various cities, both tuberculosis and fire swept regularly through the overcrowded tenements where the Irish lived, and there was a high rate of insanity among the Irish immigrants..
The incidence of tuberculosis in Boston varied closely with the proportion of the Irish living in a neighborhood. Patterns of alcoholism and fighting brought over from Ireland persisted in the United States. Over half the people arrested in New York in the 1850s were Irish.. Police vans became known as 'Paddy wagons" because the prisoners in them were so often Irish. "The fighting Irish" was a phrase that covered everything from individual brawls to mass melees (known as "Donnybrooks" for a town in Ireland) to criminal gangs.. Irish neighborhoods were tough neighborhoods in cities around the country. The Irish Sixth Ward in New York was known as "the bloody ould Sixth." Another Irish Neighborhood in New York was known as "Hell's Kitchen," and another as 'San Juan Hill" because of the battles fought there. In Milwaukee, the Irish section was called the "Bloody Third".. Where the Irish workers built the Illinois Central Railroad, people spoke of "a murder a mile" as they laid track. The largest riot in American history was by predominantly Irish rioters in New York in 1863..
Even the proportion of the black population who were laborers and house servants in Boston in 1850 was much lower than among the Irish, and the free blacks in mid- century Boston were in general economically better off than the Irish. The Irish-women's work as domestic servants and washerwomen was usually more steadily available than that of Irishmen- a situation later to be repeated among blacks. As in Ireland itself, the poverty and improvidence of the Irish immigrants to America often reduced them to living on charity when hard times came. In early nineteenth-century Ireland, even before the famine, it was common for whole families of the poor to go 'tramping about it for months, bragging from parish to parish.' Recourse to public charity was a well-established habit carried over to America. Expenditures for relief to the poor in Boston more than doubled from 1845 to 1855, during the heavy influx of the Irish, after such expenditures had been relatively stable for years. In New York City in the same era, about 60 percent of the people in almshouses had been born in Ireland. As late as 1906, there were more Irish than Italian paupers, beggars and inmates of almshouses, even though the Italians arrived a generation later and were generally poorer at the turn of the century. radically different attitudes toward accepting charity existed in Ireland and Italy, and these attitudes apparently had more effect than their respective objective economic conditions in America. There were similar cultural differences in attitudes toward the abandonment of wives and children. In the 1840s, 'it was almost automatically assumed than an orphan was Irish," and as late as 1914, about half the Irish families on Manhattan's west side were fatherless. No such pattern appeared among the Italians.
Although the Irish immigrants (like other immigrants) had a disproportionate representation of young people in the prime of life, the mortality rate shot up after their arrival. Boston's mortality rate in 1850 was double that of the rest of Massachusetts, even though there were relatively fewer aged people in Boston. The difference was due to the extremely high mortality rate in the Irish neighborhoods. Diseases that had become rare in America now flourished again. In 1849, cholera spread through Philadelphia to New York and to Boston- primarily in Irish neighborhoods. There had not been a smallpox epidemic in Boston since 1792, but after 1845, it became a recurring plague, again primarily among the Irish. The spread of the Irish into other neighborhoods, mean, among other things, the spread of these and other diseases. The residential flight of middle-class Americans from the Irish immigrants was by no means all irrationality...
Today's neighborhood changes have been dramatized by such expressions was 'white flight' but these patterns existed long before black-white neighborhood changes were the issue. When the nineteenth-century Irish immigrants flooded into New York and Boston, the native Americans fled. With the first appearance of an Irish family in a neighborhood, 'the exodus of non-Irish residents began. 'White flight' is a misleading term, not only because of its historical narrowness, but also because blacks too have fled when circumstances were reversed. Blacks fled a whole series of neighborhoods in nineteenth-century New York, 'pursued' by new Italian immigrants who moved in. The first blacks in Harlem were fleeing from the tough Irish neighborhoods in mid-Manhattan, and avoided going north of 145th Street for fear of encountering more Irish there." [ENDQUOTE]>
White "role models" have a long history of a culture of violence
Homicide and a Regional Culture of Violence. by Raymond D Gastil . American Sociological Review (1971) Volume: 36, Issue: 3, Publisher: American Sociological Association, Pages: 412-427
QUOTE: "The homicide rate in the United States has been very high relative to the rest of the modernized world for as far back as evidence is available. It has long been known that in the United States there is a wide variation in the rates of different races and between North and South. Both qualitative historical evidence and multiple regressions indicate that the degree of "Southerness" in the culture of the population of the states accounts for more of the variation in homicide rates than do other factors such as income, education, percent urban, or age. It is suggested that high homicide rates in the United States today are related primarily to the persistence of Southern cultural traditions developed before the Civil War and subsequently spreading over much of the country."
Extensive research data shows that white southern culture has been very violent historically in the United States with patterns of deadly violence accepted by and practiced by the culture going back well before the Civil War, and even before settlement in the United States. The violence of white "role models" is a clearly documented phenomenon by several credible white scholars. It was from this violent milleu, that Black America sprang.
QUOTE:
"None of the explanatory factors discussed in Levitt (2004) and Levitt and Miles (2006) -higher number of police, rising prison population, legalized abortion and receding crack epidemics- seems to apply more obviously to the Northern part of the country rather than the South. Yet, the Southern homicide specificity is essentially a white offender phenomenon: over the period 1980-2007 white offender rates in the Deep South have been 2.8 what they have been in Northern states. Black offender rates are ‘only’ 1.4 times higher, a difference that is no longer significant since the end of the 1980s. Besides, the analysis by Levitt (2004) and Levitt and Miles (2006) is focused on explaining the sharp decline of homicide rates in the 1990s, a decline which, again, was much sharper for black offender rates than for white offender rates: black offender rates declined 1.32 times more than white offender rates (source of data: UCR).
More quotes: "According to the culture of honor hypothesis, the high prevalence of homicides in the US South originates from the settlement of the region by herders from the fringes of Britain. This paper confirms that Scot or Scots-Irish settlements are associated with higher homicide today, but only in the South. The effect is strongest among whites and more pronounced where herding was more prevalent and institutional quality weaker. Results indicate that other white settlers adopted the Scots-Irish culture."
"The average murder rate per 100,000 people between 2000 and 2007 in the Deep South of the United States was 8.55, nearly twice as high as in the rest of the country.1 The respective roles of economic and cultural factors in explaining such a high prevalence of homicide-related violence in the South are still the object of much debate. It has been acknowledged that the South’s high murder rate cannot be explained by traditional socio-economic or institutional determinants of crime (Cohen and Nisbett 1994, 1996). The inelasticity of homicide rates to income levels has been interpreted as a limitation of cost-benefit analysis of criminal behavior2 (Levitt and Miles 2006). More recent economic analyses of crime appear similarly unsuitable to explain the determinants of white offender homicide rates.3 Some authors have suggested instead that the high Southern homicide rate is a product of cultural values condoning the use of lethal violence."
--GrosJEan, P. 2011. NBER paper. Univ of San Fran. "A History of Violence: The “Culture of Honor” as a Determinant of Homicide in the US South."
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White murdress - southern girl Casey Anthony. Some research data suggests that the southern culture of homicide and violence applies to white females as well as males.
The white culture of violence appears to extend to white females as well according to some authors. The degree of white southern culture in a place may explain more about its prevalence of murder and violence than some other socioeconomic factors such as income, age etc, said scholars hold. QUOTE:
[i]"Prior research has documented a higher rate of violent crime within the South relative to other U.S. regions. Some scholars argue that higher rates of violence in the South are due to the lasting effect of the unique culture of the Scots-Irish immigrants that came into the U.S. in the mid-1700's. Though there is a large body of literature examining the link between culture and violence in the South, an implicit assumption of this line of study is that the cultural effect occurs largely within the white male population in rural Southern areas. No study, to our knowledge, has extended this thesis to females. We address this omission in prior analyses y empirically testing the Southern Culture of Violence thesis using female arrest rates. Drawing on county level ancestry data from the 2000 Census and UCR Supplementary Homicide Report data, we estimate a series of negative binomial regression models. A conclusion and discussion of the results follow.
Over the past two decades scholars have devoted a great deal of effort to understanding the role of culture in rates of homicide in the Southern region of the U.S. (Ellison 1991; Huff-Corzine, Corzine, and Moore 1986; Lofton and Hill 1974; Messner 1983a). Historically, the South has always exhibited higher rates of violence since the late 1700’s (Gastil 1971; Hackney 1969). When seeking to explain this enduring regional difference, many scholars attribute high rates of violence to the lingering effects of a unique culture that the Scots-Irish immigrants brought with them when they migrated to the Southern United States (McWhiney 1988; Sowell 2005; Webb 2005).
Scholars arguing for the Southern culture of violence believe that the high violence rates in the South are due to a culture of violence that is maintaining itself in the South through the socialization process (Gastil 1971; Hackney 1969; Wolfgang and Ferracuti 1967). Researchers have garnered substantial evidence that the degree of ‘Southernness’ in the culture is a more powerful predictor of rates of homicide and violence than socioeconomic factors, such as educations, age, or economic status (Gastil 1971).
What we do know from prior studies is that the strongest predictor of female homicide rates is region indicating that Southern female homicide rates are substantially higher than those in the non-South (DeWees and Parker 2003)."
ENDQUOTE:
-- Berthelot, E and Blanchard T, and Brown T. (2008) SCOTS-IRISH WOMEN AND THE SOUTHERN CULTURE OF VIOLENCE:'.. SOUTHERN RURAL SOCIOLOGY, 23(2), 2008, pp. 157-170
ENDQUOTE:
-- Berthelot, E and Blanchard T, and Brown T. (2008) SCOTS-IRISH WOMEN AND THE SOUTHERN CULTURE OF VIOLENCE:'.. SOUTHERN RURAL SOCIOLOGY, 23(2), 2008, pp. 157-170
-------------------- Note: I am not an "Egyptologist" as claimed by some still bitter, defeated, trolls creating fake profiles and posts elsewhere. Hapless losers, you still fail. My output of hard data debunking racist nonsense has actually INCREASED since you began.. Posts: 5905 | From: The Hammer | Registered: Aug 2008
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posted
Recent scholarship shows that the Nubian and Egyptian cultures shared numerous common elements, and combining to produce a southern variant of ancient Naqada culture. This blended culture goes back BEFORE the establishment of the Dynasties. Later interactions of Nubians and Egyptians show the same blending and combining, undercutting simplistic and uninformed claims of "racial" difference between the two ancient peoples. According to Gatto (2002, 2009) below:
"According to common knowledge, it has generally been held that there was a geographical, cultural and political boundary between Egypt and Nubia in the Predynastic/Early Dynastic period, and it was located between Gebel es Silsila and Aswan . Any Egyptian evidence in Nubia was seen as an import or cultural influence, while any Nubian evidence in Upper Egypt was viewed as the sporadic presence of foreign people within Egyptian territory. As a consequence, the cemeteries located from Kubbaniya southwards were assigned to the A-Group culture.
In recent years, new research on the subject shows that the interaction between the two cultures was much more complex than previously thought, affecting the time, space and nature of the interaction. As a result, the Aswan area probably never was a real borderline. The two regions, and so their cultural entities, are not antithetical to one another, but in prehistoric times are still the expression of the same cultural tradition, with strong regional variations, particularly in the last part of the 4th millennium BC.
Unique cultural features, unknown elsewhere, have been recorded in the area surrounding the First Cataract, and from there northward up to Hierakonpolis and probably even Armant, and southward down to Dehmit. The data recorded in this area always shows a preponderance of Naqadian elements, while the Nubian component, although consistent, is definitely in the minority, disproving an A-Group affiliation. These features may indicate the presence of a regional variant of the Naqada culture combining, particularly during the first half of the fourth millennium BC, both Egyptian and Nubian traditions."
In the Predynastic Nubian and Egyptian culture was closely related as well- making them difficult to tell apart
"In the Predynastic period, the Egyptian and Nubian identities still shared many common traits derived from a common ancestry. The Naqada culture developed from the Badarian culture which, as the Tasian, was related to the Nubian Neolithic tradition (Gatto 2002; 2006c). Thus, the definition of what was Egyptian or Nubian at that time in the First Cataract region (and the southern part of Upper Egypt) is not so obvious: are the local cooking pots (shale-tempered ware), for example, Egyptian or Nubian?"
--GATTO M.C.(2009). Field season in the Aswan-Kom Ombo region of Egypt." Aswan-Kom Ombo. Archaeological Project. Report to: The Supreme Council of Antiquities, Egypt.
-------------------- Note: I am not an "Egyptologist" as claimed by some still bitter, defeated, trolls creating fake profiles and posts elsewhere. Hapless losers, you still fail. My output of hard data debunking racist nonsense has actually INCREASED since you began.. Posts: 5905 | From: The Hammer | Registered: Aug 2008
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Knowledge is cumulative. In other words we build new knowledge on the research of the giants in our field. From your lack of knowledge about DuBois' it is clear you have no recognition of the fact that what you guys are writing about has already been discussed formerly, and your job should be confirming or disconfirming what these giants wrote.
I teach educational philosophy on occasion. In this class I just don't talk about contemporary educators I also talk about the Greek philosophers.
Charlie I have posted the following previously. I hope you will read it this time and begin to recognize that what Mike, Marc and I write about is part of a 200 year tradition of Afro-American scholarship. Learn to respect your own scholars. Don't let white supremacy continue to blind you to the truths of history.
Afrocentrism, is a mature social science that was founded by Afro-Americans almost 200 years ago.
These men and women provided scholarship based on contemporary archaeological and historical research the African/Black origination of civilization throughout the world. These Afro-American scholars, mostly trained at Harvard University (one of the few Universities that admitted Blacks in the 19th Century) provide the scientific basis the global role played by African people in civilizing the world.
Afrocentrism and the africalogical study of ancient Black civilizations was began by Afro-Americans.
Edward Blyden
The foundation of any mature science is its articulation in an authoritive text (Kuhn, 1996, 136). The africalogical textbooks published by Hopkins (1905), Perry (1893) and Williams (1883) provided the vocabulary themes for further afrocentric social science research.
The pedagogy for ancient africalogical research was well established by the end of the 19th century by African American researchers well versed in the classical languages and knowledge of Greek and Latin. Cornish and Russwurm (1827) in the Freedom Journal, were the first African Americans to discuss and explain the "Ancient Model" of history.
These afrocentric social scientists used the classics to prove that the Blacks founded civilization in Egypt, Ethiopia, Babylon and Ninevah. Cornish and Russwurm (1827) made it clear that archaeological research supported the classical, or "Ancient Model" of history.
Edward Blyden (1869) also used classical sources to discuss the ancient history of African people. In his work he not only discussed the evidence for Blacks in West Asia and Egypt, he also discussed the role of Blacks in ancient America (Blyden, 1869, 78).
By 1883, africalogical researchers began to publish book on African American history. G.W. Williams (1883) wrote the first textbook on African American history. In the History of the Negro Race in America, Dr. Williams provided the schema for all future africalogical history text.
Dr. Williams (1883) confirmed the classical traditions for Blacks founding civilization in both Africa (Egypt, Ethiopia) and West Asia. In addition, to confirming the "Ancient Model" of history, Dr. Williams (1883) also mentioned the presence of Blacks in Indo-China and the Malay Peninsula. Dr. Williams was trained at Howard.
A decade later R.L. Perry (1893) also presented evidence to confirm the classical traditions of Blacks founding Egypt, Greece and the Mesopotamian civilization. He also provided empirical evidence for the role of Blacks in Phoenicia, thus increasing the scope of the ASAH paradigms.
Pauline E. Hopkins (1905) added further articulation of the ASAH paradigms of the application of these paradigms in understanding the role of Blacks in West Asia and Africa. Hopkins (1905) provided further confirmation of the role of Blacks in Southeast Asia, and expanded the scope of africalogical research to China (1905).
This review of the 19th century africalogical social scientific research indicate confirmation of the "Ancient Model" for the early history of Blacks. We also see a movement away from self-published africalogical research, and publication of research, and the publication of research articles on afrocentric themes, to the publication of textbooks.
It was in these books that the paradigms associated with the "Ancient Model" and ASAH were confirmed, and given reliability by empirical research. It was these texts which provided the pedagogic vehicles for the perpetuation of the africalogical normal social science.
The afrocentric textbooks of Hopkins (1905), Perry (1893) and Williams (1883) proved the reliability and validity of the ASAH paradigms. The discussion in these text of contemporary scientific research findings proving the existence of ancient civilizations in Egypt, Nubia-Sudan (Kush), Mesopotamia, Palestine and North Africa lent congruency to the classical literature which pointed to the existence of these civilizations and these African origins ( i.e., the children of Ham= Khem =Kush?).
The authors of the africalogical textbooks reported the latest archaeological and anthropological findings. The archaeological findings reported in these textbooks added precision to their analysis of the classical and Old Testament literature. This along with the discovery of artifacts on the ancient sites depicting Black\African people proved that the classical and Old Testament literature, as opposed to the "Aryan Model", objectively identified the Black\African role in ancient history. And finally, these textbooks confirmed that any examination of references in the classical literature to Blacks in Egypt, Kush, Mesopotamia and Greece\Crete exhibited constancy to the evidence recovered from archaeological excavations in the Middle East and the Aegean. They in turn disconfirmed the "Aryan Model", which proved to be a falsification of the authentic history of Blacks in early times.
The creation of africalogical textbooks provided us with a number of facts revealing the nature of the afrocentric ancient history paradigms. They include a discussion of:
1) the artifacts depicting Blacks found at ancient sites
recovered through archaeological excavation;
2) the confirmation of the validity of the classical and Old
Testament references to Blacks as founders of civilization in Africa and Asia;
3) the presence of isolated pockets of Blacks existing outside Africa; and
4) that the contemporary Arab people in modern Egypt are not the descendants of the ancient Egyptians.
The early africalogical textbooks also outlined the africalogical themes research should endeavor to study. A result, of the data collected by the africalogical ancient history research pioneers led to the development of three facts by the end of the 19th century, which needed to be solved by the afrocentric paradigms: (1) What is the exact relationship of ancient Egypt, to Blacks in other parts of Africa;
(2) How and when did Blacks settle America, Asia and Europe;
(3) What are the contributions of the Blacks to the rise, and cultural expression ancient Black\African civilizations;
(4) Did Africans settle parts of America in ancient times.
As you can see the structure of Afrocentrism were made long before Boas and the beginning of the 20th Century.In fact , I would not be surprised if Boas learned what he talked about from the early Afrocentric researchers discussed in this post.
As you can see Afro-Americans have be writing about the Global history of ancient Black civilizations for almost 200 years. It was Afro-Americans who first mentioned the African civilizations of West Africa and the Black roots of Egypt. These Afro-Americans made Africa a historical part of the world.
Afro-American scholars not only highlighted African history they also discussed the African/Black civilizations developed by African people outside Africa over a hundred years before Bernal and Boas.
Your history of what you call "negrocentric" or Black Studies is all wrong. It was DuBois who founded Black/Negro Studies, especially Afro-American studies given his work on the slave trade and sociological and historical studies of Afro-Americans. He mentions in the World and Africa about the Jews and other Europeans who were attempting to take over the field. Hansberry There is no one who can deny the fact that Leo Hansberry founded African studies in the U.S., not the Jews.Hansberry was a professor at Howard University.
Moreover, Bernal did not initiate any second wave of "negro/Blackcentric" study for ancient Egyptian civilization. Credit for this social science push is none other than Chiek Diop, who makes it clear that he was influenced by DuBois.
DuBois
These scholars recognized that the people of ancient Greece, Southeast Asia and Indo-China were African people. When giants in study of Afrocentrism discussed Blacks in Asia they were talking about people of African descent. So when you claim that these civilizations should be outside the study area of Afrocentric scholars you don't know what you're talking about.
These researchers used anthropological, archaeological historical and linguistic evidence to support their conclusions. It is only natural that these well founded hypotheses developed by these scholars can be supported by population genetics.
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Get up off your knees and learn from the Afro-American scholars who began the study of Blacks in ancient history.
In conclusion, Afrocentrism is a mature social science. A social science firmly rooted in the scholarship of Afro-American researchers lasting almost 200 years. Researchers like Marc Washington, Mike and I are continuing a tradition of scholarship began 20 decades ago. All we are doing is confirming research by DuBois and others, that has not been disconfirmed over the past 200 years.
Aluta continua.....The struggle continues.....
-------------------- C. A. Winters Posts: 13012 | From: Chicago | Registered: Jan 2006
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