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For the Mandenka and Dinka, the D-test results were not significant, suggesting that these populations are equally closely related to the STMs as are the Yoruba. The lack of rejection for the Dinka was surprising, as this population—from southern Sudan—is not known to have been involved in the Atlantic slave trade.

[...]

We then combined the three analyses using Procrustes transformation, as done in ref. 13. Interestingly, the samples clustered with different populations: Bantu-speaking groups in the case of STM1 (specifically, Bamoun) and non-Bantu–speaking groups for STM2 and STM3 (Fig. 1C). We observed similar patterns using the probabilistic model of population splits and divergence implemented in TreeMix (18)

...

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- Funny thing about the bamoum is that they're one of the groups which I jokingly called "Elongated." but do not show much Autosomal signs of N/E or North African Admixture.


...Eyeballing aside, STM1 seems to have some strong chadic-Cameroon influences; via R1b1 + L3b1a, though he "clusters" well within Bantu speakers. Anyone have much info on L2a1f? Ish, Beyoku, Capra?

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The most striking feature of the skeletons was that their teeth had been intentionally modified. In case of STM1, the occlusal edge of the two central upper incisors had been filed down horizontally, save for the distal extremities, which had been left and cut vertically (Fig. S2). The lateral upper incisors had also been filed on the distal side, creating a pointed shape. The lower incisors were all missing but it is possible that they had also been modified. In case of STM2, the upper incisors had been chipped on both the mesial and distal sides, resulting in a pointed shape (Fig. S3). The two left lower incisors were missing but the other two had also been modified to create a pointed shape and it seems safe to assume that all four had been originally modified the same way. For STM3, the whole mandible and both central upper incisors were missing but both upper lateral incisors were still present and had also been modified to produce a pointed shape (Fig. S4). Although the central incisors were missing, it can be assumed that they had also been filed, as it was very uncommon to modify the lateral incisors alone

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Btw. WTF is up with this? Were these guys pirates? they're obviously from 3 different regions, wouldn't dis be a new world practice?

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Originally posted by Clyde Winters:
This paper adds more support to the presence of R1, among African slaves. The authors report that they found that Zoutsteeg (STM1) was identified as belonging to haplogroup R1b1c-V88.

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
Going on three years and I had no clue a study like this existed, nice post or repost if you've already shown this before Ish.

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[…]

Y-chromosome Haplogroup for STM1

To classify the Y-chromosome haplogroup of STM1, we assembled a panel of phylogenetically informative SNPs, with emphasis on those lineages previously reported to occur at appreciable frequencies within Africa. First, toward the root of the tree (Fig. S13), we included all SNPs specific to haplogroups A00, A0-T, A0, A1, A1a, A1b, A1b1, and BT, as listed in the database maintained by the International Society of Genetic Genealogy (http://www.isogg.org/). Second, to probe the internal branches of the tree, we included all SNPs specific to haplogroups B, CT, E, F, HIJK, K, K(xLT), and P, as described in a study of 69 globally diverse Y-chromosome sequences (37). Finally, we utilized data from 1204 Sardinian sequences (42), restricted to coordinates deemed callable in (37), to identify SNPs specific to the roots of haplogroups J and T and to all hg R branchings leading to and descending from R1b-V88.


We formulated the haplogroup classification question as a decision tree and observed (Fig. S13): (i) exclusively ancestral alleles within paraphyletic “A” (haplogroups A00, A0, A1a, and A1b1), as well as in haplogroups B, E, J, and T; (ii) exclusively derived alleles along the path leading to R1b, which includes A0–T, A1, A1b, BT, CT, CF, F, HIJK, IJK, K(xLT), P, R, R1, and R1b. Within R1b, the STM1 lineage was ancestral for all R1b1a-M269 SNPs and derived for 4 of the 5 R1b1c-V88 SNPs for which sequencing data were available.

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Posts: 22234 | From: האם אינכם כילדי הכרית אלי בני ישראל | Registered: Nov 2010  |  IP: Logged | 

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:

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The most striking feature of the skeletons was that their teeth had been intentionally modified. In case of STM1, the occlusal edge of the two central upper incisors had been filed down horizontally, save for the distal extremities, which had been left and cut vertically (Fig. S2). The lateral upper incisors had also been filed on the distal side, creating a pointed shape. The lower incisors were all missing but it is possible that they had also been modified. In case of STM2, the upper incisors had been chipped on both the mesial and distal sides, resulting in a pointed shape (Fig. S3). The two left lower incisors were missing but the other two had also been modified to create a pointed shape and it seems safe to assume that all four had been originally modified the same way. For STM3, the whole mandible and both central upper incisors were missing but both upper lateral incisors were still present and had also been modified to produce a pointed shape (Fig. S4). Although the central incisors were missing, it can be assumed that they had also been filed, as it was very uncommon to modify the lateral incisors alone

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Btw. WTF is up with this? Were these guys pirates? they're obviously from 3 different regions, wouldn't dis be a new world practice?

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Apparently this tradition is relevantly old

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Prehistoric dental modification in West Africa – early evidence from Karkarichinkat Nord, Mali


This paper reports the earliest securely dated evidence for intentional dental modification in West Africa. Human remains representing 11 individuals were recovered from the sites of Karkarichikat Nord (KN05) and Karkarichinkat Sud (KS05) in the lower Tilemsi Valley of eastern Mali. The modified anterior maxillary dentitions of four individuals were recovered from KN05. The dental modification involved the removal of the mesial and distal angles of the incisor, as well as the mesial angles of the canines. The modifications did not result from task-specific wear or trauma, but appear instead to have been produced for aesthetic purposes. All of the filed teeth belonged to probable females, suggesting the possibility of sex-specific cultural modification. Radiocarbon dates from the site indicate that the remains pertain to the Late Stone Age (ca. 4500–4200 BP). Dental modification has not previously been reported from this region of West Africa and our findings indicate that the practice was more widespread during prehistory.

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Not of African Descent: Dental Modification among Indigenous Caribbean People from Canímar Abajo, Cuba

Abstract

Dental modifications in the Caribbean are considered to be an African practice introduced to the Caribbean archipelago by the influx of enslaved Africans during colonial times. Skeletal remains which exhibited dental modifications are by default considered to be Africans, African descendants, or post-contact indigenous people influenced by an African practice. Individual E-105 from the site of Canímar Abajo (Cuba), with a direct 14C AMS date of 990–800 cal BC, provides the first unequivocal evidence of dental modifications in the Antilles prior to contact with Europeans in AD 1492. Central incisors showing evidence of significant crown reduction (loss of crown volume regardless of its etiology) were examined macroscopically and with a scanning electron microscope (SEM) to determine if the observed alterations were due to deliberate modification or other (unintentional) factors considered: postmortem breakage, violent accidental breakage, non-dietary use of teeth, and wear caused by habitual or repeated actions. The pattern of crown reduction is consistent with deliberate dental modification of the type commonly encountered among African and African descendent communities in post-contact Caribbean archaeological assemblages. Six additional individuals show similar pattern of crown reduction of maxillary incisors with no analogous wear in corresponding mandibular dentition.

[…]

Introduction

Dental modifications (DMs) in the Caribbean have been associated with individuals of African descent and, consequently, with the post-contact era [1–12]. The only exception is a skeleton recovered from the site of Chorro de Maita (Cuba), identified as a post-contact displaced Mesoamerican individual [13]. The latter shows a definite Mesoamerican type of dental filing, different in both style and technique from the “African-type” which predominantly involves crown reduction by chipping and filing of the upper anterior dentition [11, 14].

African practices of DM were first described in early accounts from European visitors to West Africa and later observed by ethnographers as summarized by Handler [6]. The most common forms of African DMs included chipping and filing of multiple incisors into points or ‘Vs’ and chipping and filing between upper central incisors resulting in an inverted ‘V’ shape [15–17].

To date, no DMs in the Caribbean have been interpreted as evidence of a pre-contact practice, even when skeletal remains were recovered from indigenous cemeteries that predate contact [1]. Here we present the first case of the so-called “African type” DM observed in securely dated pre-contact individuals from Cuba, at the site of Canímar Abajo [18] predating the arrival of individuals from Africa to the Caribbean by almost 2.5 millennia [19]. Individual E-105, with a direct 14C AMS date of 990–800 cal BC [18] and an inverted “V” shaped crown reduction of central maxillary incisors (Fig 1), demonstrated that this type of DM was present in the Antilles prior to the arrival of enslaved African populations into the region.

[…]

Archaeological Context

Individual E-105 was recovered in 2010 from the site of Canímar Abajo located near Matanzas city (23° 2' 15.5" N; 81° 29' 49.1" E) in the Matanzas province of Cuba (Fig 2a). Canímar Abajo is a complex shell-matrix site with two superimposed burial episodes separated by a midden layer [18]. The site is located on an ancient beach on the western bank of the Canímar River, near to where the river flows into the Bay of Matanzas, forming a resource-rich estuary [18]. Systematic excavations over 36 m2 (Fig 2b) yielded a minimum number of 213 individuals in 50 burials of the older cemetery (OC) and 92 burials of the younger cemetery (YC), as well as some isolated bones recovered from the midden layer (Fig 2c). The older of the two cemetery components was dated by six AMS 14C dates to between 1380–800 cal BC (2 sigma), while the younger was dated to cal AD 360–950 (2 sigma) by five AMS 14C dates obtained directly from human skeletal remains [18], all clearly predating the contact with European colonizers and the arrival of enslaved Africans into the Caribbean.

[…]

DMs at Canímar Abajo span both cemetery components, which lasted between approximately 1400 BC and AD 950 with an apparent burial hiatus from 800 BC to AD 360 [18]. Long persistence of this type of modification could indicate that the same population used both cemetery components. This notion is further supported by the consistency of subsistence strategies employed in both the OC and YC at Canímar Abajo, as well the marked differences in subsistence strategies observed between Canímar Abajo and other contemporaneous Cuban sites [37]. Further research into the cultural meaning of body modifications in the region—for both past and present populations—is needed before we can discuss the motivation behind the DM practice at the site of Canímar Abajo. Analysis of dental morphology and the aDNA, which are currently underway, will provide more definite answers to the questions of continuity between the two components and their biological identity. While the ancestry of Canímar Abajo individuals cannot be ascertained, it is clear from associated 14C dates that they are indigenous Caribbean people and not enslaved Africans.

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Kivisild et al (2017) proves that V88 was in Europe in prehistoric times. Stop making stuff up.

We discuss R haplogroup and Native Americans because they carry R-M173 which is also carried by West Africans.

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We don't know how many mongoloid Native Americans carry V88, because African hapogroups are excluded from research in studies of Native American DNA.

We may never know the admixture between Native Americans and Africans if we wait to get the information from researchers because they are attempting to maintain the status quo.

Discrepancies take place because researchers do not want to tell the truth about the genetic histories of African people and their admixture with Native Americans and Eurasians. As a result, researchers have developed methods to exclude evidence of non-Africans carrying haplogroups mtDNA haplogroups L, and y-Chromosomes E and A.

This is due to the protocols of AdMixture and Structure programs that assume that Native Americans, Europeans and Africans only met after 1492. As a result researchers try to find methods to exclude African presence in European and Native Americans so evidence of this admixture will not be evidenced in the final results. Next researchers claim that if African people carry mtDNA haplogroups: N, R, M and D ; and Y-Chromosomes C, Q, I, J, and R, they are carrying Eurasians haplogroups, eventhough all of these haplogroups are found among African populations that have no history of admixture with Europeans. As a result, these haplogroups are probably of African origin--not a back migration.

Researchers believe this evidence should be excluded because any African admixture among these populations have to be recent.
The best example of how African admixture is excluded in research is Reich, D. et al, Reconstructing Native American population history. Nature 488, 370-374 (2012) Paper web page , the method used to exclude African admixture from this study is detailed in Supplementary Material 1.Reich, D. et al (2012) outlines the motivations for the exclusion of Africans from his study:

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• (i) Motivation
  There were a number of populations for which we did not have access to unadmixed samples. To learn about the history of such populations, we needed to adjust for the presence of non-Native ancestry. We used three complementary approaches to do this. The concordance of results from all these approaches increases our confidence in the key findings of this study.
  
  (1) Restricting to unadmixed samples: We restricted some analyses to 163 Native American samples (34 populations) without any evidence of recent European or African admixture (Note S2). A limitation of these studies, however, is that we could not analyze 16 populations in which all individuals were inferred to have some degree of recent admixture.
  
  (2) Local ancestry masking: We identified segments of the genome in each individual that had an appreciable probability of harboring non-Native American or Siberian ancestry. We then created a “masked” dataset that treated genetic data in these sections as missing (Note S4).
  
  (3) Ancestry Subtraction: We explicitly corrected for the effect of the estimated proportion of European and African in each sample by adjusting the value of f4-statistics by the amount that is expected from this admixture. This is discussed in what follows.
  
  (ii) Details of Ancestry Subtraction
  Assume that we have an accurate estimate of African and European ancestry for each sample (whether it is an individual or a pool of individuals). In practice, we used the ADMIXTURE k=4 estimates, because as described below, they appear to be accurate for Native American populations (with the possible exception of Aleuts as we discuss below). We can then define:
  
  a = % African ancestry in a test sample
  e = % European ancestry in a test sample
  1-a-e = % Native ancestry
  
  For many of our analyses, we are computing f4 statistics, whose values are affected in a known way by European and African admixture. Thus, we can algebraically correct for the effect of recent European or African admixture on the test statistics, obtaining an “Ancestry Subtracted” statistic that is what is expected for the sample if it had no recent European or African ancestry.
  
  The main context in which we compute f4 statistics is in our implementation of the 4 Population Test, to evaluate whether the allele frequency correlation patterns in the data are consistent with the proposed tree ((Unadmixed, Test),(Outgroup1, Outgroup2)), where the Unadmixed population is a set of Native American samples assumed to derive all of their ancestry from the initial population that peopled America, the Test population is another Native American population, and the two outgroups are Asian populations. An f4 statistic consistent with zero suggests that the Unadmixed and Test populations form a clade with no evidence of ancestry from more recent streams of gene flow from Asia. If the Test population harbors recent European or African ancestry, however, a significant deviation of this statistic from zero would be expected, making it difficult to interpret the results. We thus compute a linear combination of f4 statistics that is expected to equal what we would obtain if we had access to the Native American ancestors of the Test population without recent European or African admixture:
  
  S_1=(f_4 (Unadmixed,Test;Out1,Out2)-(a) f_4 (Unadmixed,Yoruba;Out1,Out2)-(e) f_4 (Unadmixed,French;Out1,Out2))/(1-a-e) (S3.1)
  
  Intuitively, this statistic is subtracting the contribution to the f4 statistic that is expected from their proportion a of West African-like ancestry (Yoruba), and their proportion e of West Eurasian-like ancestry (French). We then renormalize by 1/(1-a-e) to obtain the statistic that would be expected if the sample was unadmixed.
  
  A potential concern is that the African and European ancestry in any real Native American test sample is not likely to be from Yoruba and French exactly; instead, it will be from related populations. However, S1 is still expected to have the value we wish to compute if we choose the outgroups to be East Asians or Siberians. The reason is that genetic differences between Yoruba and the true African ancestors, and French and the true European ancestors, are not expected to be correlated to the frequency differences between two East Asian or Siberian outgroups. Specifically, the allele frequency differences are due to history within Africa or Europe, which is not expected to be correlated to allele frequency differences within East Asia and within Siberia.
  
  (iii) Ancestry Subtraction gives results concordant with those on unadmixed samples
  To compare the performance of our three approaches to address the confounder of recent European and African admixture, we computed 48 = 8×6 statistics of the form f4(Unadmixed, Test; Han, San). We choose “Unadmixed” to be one of 8 Native American groups from Meso-America southward that have sample sizes of at least two and for which all samples are inferred to be unadmixed by ADMIXTURE k=4 (Chane, Embera, Guahibo, Guaymi, Karitiana, Kogi, Surui and Waunana). We choose “Test” to be one of 8 Native American populations from Meso-America southward with at least two samples that are entirely unadmixed, and that also have at least two samples that have >5% non-Native admixture according to the ADMIXTURE k=4 analysis (Aymara, Cabecar, Pima, Tepehuano, Wayuu and Zapotec1). This allows us to compare results on admixed and unadmixed samples from the same population.
  
  If the Test population harbors European or West African admixture that we have not corrected, we expect to see a significant deviation of the statistic from zero. For example, f4(Karitiana, French; Han, San), corresponding to the statistic expected for an entirely European-admixed Native American population, is significant at Z = 45 standard errors from zero, and f4(Karitiana, Yoruba; Han, San), which gives the f4-value we would expect for an entirely West African-admixed Native American population, is significant at Z = 101.
  
  Figure S3.1 shows the scatterplots of Z-scores we obtain without Ancestry Subtraction, with Ancestry Subtraction, and with local ancestry masking (Note S4). The x-axis shows data for the unadmixed samples from each Test population, while the y-axis shows the results for the >5% admixed samples from the same populations. We find that:
  • Without Ancestry Subtraction there are significant deviations from zero (|Z|>3) (Fig. S3.1A)
  • With Ancestry Subtraction, there are no residual |Z|-scores >3 (Figure S3.1B)
  • With local ancestry masking (Note S4), there are again no residual |Z|-scores >3 (Figure S3.1C), showing that this method also appears to be appropriately correcting for the admixture.

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Given the exclusion of Africans from studies like Reich, D. et al (2012), means that we are not really knowing the actual admixture among Africans and Native American that carry the accepted African haplogroups: i.e., haploroups E , L and etc.

There are a number of Y-chromosome Haplogroups shared by mongoloid Native Americas and Afro-Americans.


I can not find any information on V88 among Afro-Americans. But I have found information on the frequency of haplogroup R among Afro-Americans.

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Haplogroup E-P1 is called E1b1a1 .In the Hammer et al (2006) study while 63% of Afro-Americans carry this haplogroup,1.3% Native Americans carry the same haplogroup.
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The second most frequent Y-chromosome among Afro-Americans is R1b. In the Vallone and Butler (2004) study AAs carried around 0.3% R-M207, and 23% R1b.
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Miller et al (2006) did a detailed study of Afro-American and Native American Y-Chromosome. Miller et al (2006) revealed that NA and AAs share many R haplogroups including R-M17 and R-M207. It is interesting to note that in relation to R-M269, that 21% carried this haplogroup, while 17.0 of AAs carried the same haplogroup. This is interesting because there is very little statistical difference between 17% and 21%.
Given the correlation between African and Mongoloid R1, indicates that many AAs who were told that their ancestors were Native Americans, who carry R1, is a reflection of their Black Native American ancestry.

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C. A. Winters

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Originally posted by Clyde Winters:

Stop making stuff up.

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Furthermore, ADMIXTURE estimated that western RHG ancestry accounted for ~4.8% of the African ancestry of African Americans (Fig.4andfig.S19). Given that a direct RHG contribution to the slave trade is unlikely (tableS12) (10), this result further supports that a large fraction of the genome of African Americans derives from wBSPs, who themselves have ~16% western RHG ancestry (Fig. 4). Our results indicate that the ultimate African origins of African Americans are more diverse than previously suggested

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Originally posted by BlessedbyHorus:
@Elmaestro

I am seeing more and more AAs who are light bright being around 90% African!!!

Some would assume this hot looking chick would be mixed and around 50% European but she is in fact 75% African!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z499H-kbwP4


Many would assume this chick to be 75% African but instead she is 90%!!!
http://www.forumbiodiversity.com/showthread.php/48028-desert-dryad-s-AncestryDNA-results-

I got more but I think I made my point. Fact is phenotype is deceiving. But whats even more crazy is that the majority of AA admixture has NOT repeat has NOT been tested. Maybe only 35%. I agree that we are more than just Yoruba, European and Native American. ESPECIALLY on an individual scale.

Anyways do you have that study that shows AAs have significant Sahelian ancestry? Because I wanna post it somewhere.

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
^ not to my knowledge, Clyde swears up and down that R1b was in the new world though... Iono though. Maybe Abu Bakr II was successful and found his way in the carribean, who knows.

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I read about it as well.

The Abu Bakr legacy most likely is real. And everything is falling apart, or should I say in it's part coming together.

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
Although I didn't quite say what you said I did lmao I will throw you a bone anyways lol.
There's no one study that says AA's have significant Sahelian Ancestry, however, Sahelian admixture wass noted in a series of studies...

Patin 2017
Dispersals and genetic adaptation of Bantu-speaking populations in Africa and North America
http://www.sciencemag.org/lookup/doi/10.1126/science.aal1988

is one of the main studies I had in mind when I posted above, talking about the overestimated post colonial European Admixture in Aframs.

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Furthermore, ADMIXTURE estimated that western RHG ancestry accounted for ~4.8% of the African ancestry of African Americans (Fig.4andfig.S19). Given that a direct RHG contribution to the slave trade is unlikely (tableS12) (10), this result further supports that a large fraction of the genome of African Americans derives from wBSPs, who themselves have ~16% western RHG ancestry (Fig. 4). Our results indicate that the ultimate African origins of African Americans are more diverse than previously suggested

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see this thread...
http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_

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Originally posted by Clyde Winters:
I don't understand what you are talking about in relation to Sahelian-Sudanic people, or even Bantu people among AAs in relation to R1.

There were very few Sahelian-Sudani people sold into slavery in the Caribbean and Thirteen Colonies of the United States. The vast majority of the African slaves in the U.S., and Caribbean came from Cameroon, India, Mozambique the Senegambian and Guinea.

It was hard to reconcile the presence of R1 among Black Native Americans and AAs because the majority of Blacks did not come from the Sahelian-Sahara region, where many Blacks carry R1.

Everything changed with publication of "The genetic landscape of Equatorial Guinea and the origin and migration routes of the Y chromosome haplogroup R-V88", by Gonzalez et al.Gonzalez et al , made it clear R1 was found in Equatorial Guinea , and they argued that R1 probably spread across Europe from Iberia to the east given the distribution of R1 in Africa. Since the vast majority of the slaves in the 13 colonies came from this part of Africa it explained the high frequency of R1 among AAs.


The presence of R1 in West africa explains the discovery or R1 among the Zoutsteeg individuals, and AAs in the Caribbean and the United States.

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Originally posted by the lioness,:

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Originally posted by Clyde Winters:
I don't understand what you are talking about in relation to Sahelian-Sudanic people, or even Bantu people among AAs in relation to R1.

There were very few Sahelian-Sudani people sold into slavery in the Caribbean and Thirteen Colonies of the United States. The vast majority of the African slaves in the U.S., and Caribbean came from Cameroon, India, Mozambique the Senegambian and Guinea.

It was hard to reconcile the presence of R1 among Black Native Americans and AAs because the majority of Blacks did not come from the Sahelian-Sahara region, where many Blacks carry R1.

Everything changed with publication of "The genetic landscape of Equatorial Guinea and the origin and migration routes of the Y chromosome haplogroup R-V88", by Gonzalez et al.Gonzalez et al , made it clear R1 was found in Equatorial Guinea , and they argued that R1 probably spread across Europe from Iberia to the east given the distribution of R1 in Africa. Since the vast majority of the slaves in the 13 colonies came from this part of Africa it explained the high frequency of R1 among AAs.


The presence of R1 in West africa explains the discovery or R1 among the Zoutsteeg individuals, and AAs in the Caribbean and the United States.

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the Sahelian-Sahara region is large. The vast majority of blacks in this region do not carry carry R1.

Equatorial Guinea is a tiny coastal country presently comprised of less than a million people

______________________


Equatorial Guinea

Spanish and British empires

The Portuguese explorer Fernão do Pó, seeking a path to India, is credited as being the first European to discover the island of Bioko in 1472. He called it Formosa ("Beautiful"), but it quickly took on the name of its European discoverer. The islands of Fernando Pó and Annobón were colonized by Portugal in 1474.

In 1778, Queen Maria I of Portugal and King Charles III of Spain signed the Treaty of El Pardo which ceded the Bioko, adjacent islets, and commercial rights to the Bight of Biafra between the Niger and Ogoue rivers to Spain. Spain intended to gain access to a source of slaves controlled by British merchants. Between 1778 and 1810, the territory of Equatorial Guinea was administered by the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, based in Buenos Aires. If these territories were still under control of Buenos Aires today, they would become overseas provinces of Argentina.

From 1827 to 1843, the United Kingdom had a base on Bioko to combat the slave trade, which was then moved to Sierra Leone upon agreement with Spain in 1843. In 1844, on restoration of Spanish sovereignty, it became known as the "Territorios Españoles del Golfo de Guinea". Spain had neglected to occupy the large area in the Bight of Biafra to which it had treaty rights, and the French had been expanding their occupation at the expense of the area claimed by Spain. The treaty of Paris in 1900 left Spain with the continental enclave of Rio Muni, a mere 26,000 km2 out of the 300,000 stretching east to the Ubangi river which the Spaniards had claimed .[2]

Spanish colonial territory

A 1903 stamp of Spanish Guinea
At the beginning of the 20th century, the plantations of Fernando Po were largely in the hands of a black Creole elite, later known as Fernandinos. The British had settled some 2,000 Sierra Leoneans and freed slaves during their brief occupation of the island in the early 19th century, and a small current of immigration from West Africa and the West Indies continued after the departure of the British. To this core of settlers were added Cubans, Filipinos, Spaniards of various colours deported for political or other crimes, and some assisted settlers.

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
^hmm, I though Northern Cameroon, South-Western Chad, North-Eastern Nigeria and Southern Niger was apart of the Sahelian/Sudanic belt... I guess I have to get my geography game up.

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Originally posted by Clyde Winters:

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
^hmm, I though Northern Cameroon, South-Western Chad, North-Eastern Nigeria and Southern Niger was apart of the Sahelian/Sudanic belt... I guess I have to get my geography game up.

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The majority of slaves sold from the Sahelian-Sahara region went to Brazil. The oldest Brazilian and Mexican slaves were from the Senegambian/ Guinea regions.

If you are interested in slavery in these areas Check out the following papers:

https://www.academia.edu/1529630/Islam_in_Early_North_and_South_America

https://www.academia.edu/8492681/Muslims_in_Pluralistic_Societies_The_Case_of_the_West_Indies

https://www.academia.edu/8492553/The_Muslims_of_Rio_de_Janeiro

https://www.academia.edu/8491185/The_Afro-Brazilian_Concept_of_Jihad_and_the_1835_Slave_Revolt

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
"If you are interested in slavery..."
Nah, lol.

I'm just trying to figure out why there's confusion about R1b and sahelian or suprasaharan correspondence. Make it clear if you're trying to say "R1b developed in the belly of Africa", if that's what you're getting at, no need to add confusion.

I'm just pointing out that there's a possibility that the Afram post-colonialism European Autosomal Affinity is inflated.

-10.1038/ejhg.2009.231

^ I didn't realize the Arbitray border created by Europeans around northern Cameroon excluded that region from the Sahel. ToT lmao

For lurkers: Second image represents population density of R1b1a Carriers

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Originally posted by the lioness,:

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Originally posted by Clyde Winters:

quote:

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
^hmm, I though Northern Cameroon, South-Western Chad, North-Eastern Nigeria and Southern Niger was apart of the Sahelian/Sudanic belt... I guess I have to get my geography game up.

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The majority of slaves sold from the Sahelian-Sahara region went to Brazil. The oldest Brazilian and Mexican slaves were from the Senegambian/ Guinea regions.

If you are interested in slavery in these areas Check out the following papers:

https://www.academia.edu/1529630/Islam_in_Early_North_and_South_America

https://www.academia.edu/8492681/Muslims_in_Pluralistic_Societies_The_Case_of_the_West_Indies

https://www.academia.edu/8492553/The_Muslims_of_Rio_de_Janeiro

https://www.academia.edu/8491185/The_Afro-Brazilian_Concept_of_Jihad_and_the_1835_Slave_Revolt

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Many African Americans have some degree of admixture with Europeans. Culturally, Louisiana Creoles are noted. in Brazil this has gone to a higher degree since the European rulers knew they were vastly outnumbered by non-whites and wanted this to happen. This is reflected in the DNA.
As the world's population increases and transportation ever more available more of such mixing will be inevitable.
Similarly in many countries wild dogs appear similar if left to nature they mingle with each other as opposed to sticking to selective breeding imposed on the domesticated dogs

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Originally posted by Red,White, and Blue - Christian:
New Orleans
by Maida Owens

http://www.pbs.org/riverofsong/music/e4-new.html

When one mentions Louisiana, many people think only of New Orleans and neglect other regions of the state. Many misunderstandings exist about the distinct and complex culture that evolved in this metropolitan center. Since first inhabited by Native Americans, New Orleans, like Louisiana as a whole, has been governed by the French, Spanish, and Americans, with each making distinctive contributions. In addition, other ethnic groups, in particular Africans (both French speaking African Creoles and English speaking African Americans), Italians (primarily Sicilian), Germans, and Irish, have also made significant contributions to the cultural landscape of the city. Today, New Orleans is a multicultural metropolis with significant communities of Jews, Latins (from throughout the Caribbean, Central and South America), Greeks, Haitians, Filipinos, and Asians, including the largest concentration of Vietnamese in the United States (Cooke and Blanton 1981).

Contrary to popular stereotyping, New Orleans is not a Cajun town, even though many Cajuns moved to New Orleans after World War II and grew to dominate certain parts of town, such as Westwego and Marrero on the West Bank. The first and largest migrations of the French to New Orleans were not Acadian. French nobles and army officers blended with the Spanish to create a Creole community. Creole, as used in New Orleans, refers either to the descendants of the French and Spanish settlers or to people of French, Spanish, and African descent who were known as gens de couleur libres or free people of color. These two groups were culturally intertwined, yet maintained separate identities.
Most Africans in Louisiana arrived as slaves from Francophone West Africa, but later some arrived as free people of color from the Caribbean. Two thirds of the Africans arriving before 1730 were from the Senegambia region of West Africa. Senegambia was home to many culturally related groups with similar languages, but most Africans brought to Louisiana during this time were either Wolof or Bambara (Hall 1992). After the Haitian Revolution of 1791 1804, another influx of Africans, including many free people of color, arrived by way of the Caribbean. Most of these Africans from the Caribbean were originally from Dahomey (now the Republic of Benin) and Nigeria (Hunt 1988).

The significant number of Africans from closely related cultures enabled them to retain many cultural traits and contribute to the Creole culture that was developing in New Orleans and south Louisiana. For example, the Haitians brought the shotgun house and the voodoo religion to Louisiana. The word "voodoo" is derived from the African word voudun which means "deity" in Yoruba or "insight" in Fon (Bodin 1990). Free people of color dominated many building trades in New Orleans, were often highly educated, and as chefs played an important role in the development of Creole cuisine for which the city is known (Reinecke 1985). Okra, an important ingredient of gumbo, and the word "gumbo" itself (derived from Bantu nkombo) are African.

After the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, Americans, referred to as Les Americains, arrived and settled upriver or uptown from the Creole district of downtown with Canal Street being the dividing line. Irish fleeing the potato famine of the 1840s settled in the area which became known as the Irish Channel between the Mississippi River and the Uptown Garden District. The 1850s saw another influx of Germans. After the Civil War, even more English speaking African Americans arrived to join the population of freed slaves. The distinction between African Creoles and African Americans began to blur after 1918 (Reinecke 1985:58 59), but still today Louisianans at times refer to people not descended from the French or Creole culture as Americans. Jazz played a role in this cultural fusion because ethnic groups that did not otherwise mingle were drawn together through jazz. African Americans, African Creoles, Italians, Germans, and Irish were all instrumental in the development of this new art form. In New Orleans, musical traditions range from brass jazz bands to African Creole and African American Mardi Gras Indians chanting call responses that have been called the most African of all musics found in North America. African American Delta blues and Latin salsa are some of the most frequently heard musics today in local clubs, along with the distinctive New Orleans rhythm and blues made famous by the likes of Fats Domino, Professor Longhair, and the Neville Brothers (Smith 1990).

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Originally posted by Jo Nongowa:
Further to my previous post:

The Gullah Language - Joseph Opala

The Gullah language is what linguists call an English-based creole language. Creoles arise in the context of trade, colonialism, and slavery when people of diverse backgrounds are thrown together and must forge a common means of communication. According to one view, creole languages are essentially hybrids that blend linguistic influences from a variety of different sources. In the case of Gullah, the vocabulary is largely from the English "target language," the speech of the socially and economically dominant group; but the African "substrate languages" have altered the pronunciation of almost all the English words, influenced the grammar and sentence structure, and provided a sizable minority of the vocabulary. Many early scholars made the mistake of viewing the Gullah language as "broken English," because they failed to recognize the strong underlying influence of African languages. But linguists today view Gullah, and other creoles, as full and complete languages with their own systematic grammatical structures.

The British dominated the slave trade in the 18th century, and during that period an English-based creole spread along the West African coast from Senegal to Nigeria. This hybrid language served as a means of communication between British slave traders and local African traders, but it also served as a lingua franca, or common language, among Africans of different tribes. Some of the slaves taken to America must have known creole English before they left Africa, and on the plantations their speech seems to have served as a model for the other slaves. Many linguists argue that this early West African Creole English was the ancestral language that gave rise to the modern English-based creoles in West Africa (Sierra Leone Krio, Nigerian Pidgin, etc.) as well as to the English-based creoles spoken by black populations in the Americas (Gullah, Jamaican Creole, Guyana Creole, etc.). All of these modern creole languages would, thus, fall into the same broad family group, which linguist Ian Hancock has called the "English-based Atlantic Creoles." This theory explains the striking similarities found among these many languages spoken in scattered areas on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. It also shows that the slaves brought the rudiments of the Gullah language directly from Africa.

The first scholar to make a serious study of the Gullah language was the late Dr. Lorenzo Turner, who published his findings in 1949. As a Black American, Dr. Turner was able to win the confidence of the Gullah people, and he revealed many aspects of their language that were previously unknown. Dr. Turner found that Gullah men and women all have African nicknames or "basket names" in addition to their English names for official use; and he showed that the Gullah language, like other Atlantic Creoles, contains a substantial minority of vocabulary words borrowed directly from African substrate languages. Altogether, Dr. Turner was able to identify more than four thousand words and personal names of African origin and to assign these, on an individual basis, to specific African languages. But Dr. Turner also made the spectacular discovery that certain Gullah men and women, living in isolated rural areas of South Carolina and Georgia in the 1940s, could still recall simple texts in various African languages—texts passed from generation to generation and still intelligible! He identified Mende and Vai phrases embedded in Gullah songs; Mende passages in Gullah stories; and an entire Mende song, apparently a funeral dirge. Dr. Turner also found some Gullah people who could count from one of nineteen in the Guinea/Sierra Leone dialect of Fula. Although his Gullah informants knew that these expressions were in African languages, and in some cases knew the proper translation, they did not know which specific African languages they were reciting.

P.E.H. Hair, a British historian, later published a review of Dr. Turner's work in which he noted that Sierra Leone languages have made a "major contribution" to the development of the Gullah language. Dr. Hair pointed to the "astonishing" fact that all of the African texts known to be preserved by the Gullah are in languages spoken in Sierra Leone. Mende, which accounts for most of the African passages collected by Turner, is spoken almost entirely in Sierra Leone, while Vai and the specific dialect of Fula are found on the borders with Liberia and Guinea. But Dr. Hair also noted that a "remarkably large proportion" of the four thousand African personal names and loanwords in the Gullah language come from Sierra Leone. He calculated that twenty-five percent of the African names and twenty percent of the African vocabulary words are from Sierra Leonean languages, principally Mende and Vai. Dr. Hair concluded that South Carolina and Georgia is the only place in the Americas where Sierra Leonean languages have exerted "anything like" this degree of influence.

The Gullahs' African personal names and African vocabulary words include many items that are familiar in Sierra Leone today. The Gullah have drawn their African nicknames from various sources, including African first, or given, names; clan names; and the African tribal names of their ancestors. They use the masculine names Bala, Sorie, Salifu, Jah, and Lomboi; and the feminine names Mariama, Fatu, Hawa, and Jilo. The Gullah also use as nicknames the clan names Bangura, Kalawa, Sesay, Sankoh, Marah, Koroma, and Bah; and the Sierra Leonean tribal names Limba, Loko, Yalunka, Susu, Kissi, and Kono. Gullah loanwords from Sierra Leonean languages, used in everyday speech, include: joso, "witchcraft" (Mende njoso, forest spirit); gafa, "evil spirit" (Mende ngafa, masked "devil"); wanga, "charm" (Temne an-wanka, fetish or "swear"); bento, "coffin" (Temne an-bento, bier); defu, "rice flour" (Vai defu, rice flour); do, "child" (Mende ndo, child); and kome, "to gather" (Mende Kome, a meeting).

The Gullah language, considered as a whole, is also remarkably similar to Sierra Leone Krio—so similar that the two languages are probably mutually intelligible. Krio is, of course, the native language of the Krios, the descendants of freed slaves; but it is also the national lingua franca, the most commonly spoken language in Sierra Leone today. The West African Creole English of the slave trade era gave rise to both Krio and Gullah, as well as to many other English-based Creoles in West Africa and the West Indies. All of these languages, it must be said, share many common elements of vocabulary and grammar. Sierra Leone Krio expressions such as bigyai (greedy), pantap (on top of) udat (who?), and usai (where?) are found in almost identical form in Gullah, as well as in many other related Creoles. But the linguist Ian Hancock has also pointed to unique similarities between Krio and Gullah—features of vocabulary, grammar, and the sound system found in these two languages, but in none of the other Atlantic Creoles. These common elements include, among others, the Krio expressions bohboh (boy), titi (girl), enti (not so?), and blant (a verb auxiliary) which appear in Gullah as buhbuh, tittuh, enty, and blang. Dr. Hancock has argued, reasonably enough, that these unique similarities, as well as the many loanwords in Gullah from Sierra Leonean indigenous languages, must reflect a significant slave trade connection between Sierra Leone and the Gullah area.

We are now in a position to draw a clear picture of the language connection between Sierra Leone and South Carolina and Georgia. By about 1750 there was probably a local creole dialect spoken in Sierra Leone and, perhaps, on neighboring parts of the Rice Coast—a variant of the broader West African Creole English, but with its own unique forms and expressions. Some of the Rice Coast slaves taken to South Carolina and Georgia already spoke this Rice Coast dialect, and on the rice plantations their creole speech became a model for the other slaves. The Gullah language, thus, developed directly from this distinctive Rice Coast creole, acquiring loanwords from the "substrate languages" of the African slaves from Sierra Leone and elsewhere. In Sierra Leone, itself, the Rice Coast creole continued to flourish throughout the late 1700s, so that when the freed slaves, ancestors of the Krios, arrived at the end of the century, they found the language already widely spoken among the indigenous peoples along the coast. Indeed, slave traders' accounts from before the founding of Freetown make it clear that a form of creole English was already being spoken in Sierra Leone. The emerging Krio community adopted the local creole as its native speech, enriching it with new expressions reflecting the diverse backgrounds of the freed slaves. So, Krio and Gullah both derive from an early slave trade era Rice Coast creole dialect. Each language has gone its separate way over the past two hundred and fifty years, but even now the similarities are astonishing to linguists and laymen alike.

Finally, the word "Gullah," itself, seems to reflect the Rice Coast origins of many of the slaves imported into South Carolina and Georgia. Lorenzo Turner attributed "Gullah" to Gola, a small tribe on the Sierra Leone-Liberia border where the Mende and Vai territories come together. But "Gullah" may also derive from Gallinas, another name for the Vai, or from Galo, the Mende word for the Vai people. The Gullah also call themselves "Geechee," which Dr. Turner attributed to the Kissi tribe (pronounced geezee), which inhabits a large area adjoining the Mende, where modern Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea converge. Given the Mende and Vai texts preserved by the Gullah, and the significant percentages of Mende and Vai names and loanwords in the Gullah language, these interpretations seem to have considerable merit.

^ From the perspective of a "layman" but one native to and a national of the Makona River Union (Sierra Leone, Guinea and Liberia), I can testify that the above article is a succcinct and accurate account of the genesis of the Gullah people in south-eastern United States.

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Originally posted by BlessedbyHorus:
@Elmaestro

Well thanks anyways. Appreciate and keep up the good work.

@Ish Geber

A lot of coons and silly racists think a lot of blacks who look like her are heavily mixed or biracial when that is not the case.

@Clyde Winter

Actually most of the Sahelian/Senegambian slaves went to the USA especially GA and the Carolinas due to needing those slaves for rice cultivating. You are right that many went to Brazil however Brazil mostly got their slaves from Central Africa. As for Mexico, it hardly had a large slave population.

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quote:

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Originally posted by Red,White, and Blue + Christian:
Posted: Fri Apr 04, 2008 5:30 pm Post subject:

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http://www.nytimes.com/books/first/c/carney-rice.html


The embarkation of the Portuguese into the Atlantic in the fourteenth century led to social and ecological transformations that brought sub-Saharan Africa within the orbit of European navigation. With the discovery of the Canary Islands in 1336, just one hundred kilometers from Morocco off the West African coast, the Portuguese found an Atlantic island archipelago inhabited by a people they called the Guanche. The Guanche, whose ancestors left the African mainland in repeated migrations between the second millennium B.C. and the first centuries A.D., were farmers and herders. They tended crops and animals originally domesticated in the Near East, which included wheat, barley, peas, and sheep and goats. But contact with Renaissance Europeans brought military defeat and enslavement. By 1496 the Guanche had ceased to exist, the first indigenous people to become extinct as a consequence of European maritime expansion. Heralding the fate that would await other peoples over the next 350 years, the islands of the Guanche became stepping stones for the diffusion of sugarcane plantations and African slavery throughout the Atlantic, a process that radically recast the relationship between Africa, Europe, and the Americas.

With the seizure in 1415 of Ceuta, located on the African side of the Straits of Gibraltar, the Portuguese established a foothold on the mainland, from where they launched reconnaissance voyages, sponsored by Prince Henry the Navigator. Over the next five years Portuguese mariners established two navigational routes for exploring West Africa, one along the coast from the mainland outpost at Ceuta, the other following the chain of Atlantic islands south from the Madeiras and the Canary Islands to the Cape Verdes, São Tomé, and Príncipe. The discovery of the Madeira Islands in 1420, named for their abundant forests, provided the fuelwood necessary to carry the expansion of sugarcane into the Atlantic, while the enclave established at Ceuta contributed to the growing familiarity of Portuguese mariners with the African coastline south from Morocco.

This was a barren coast that provided few terrestrial resources, albeit one whose offshore currents abounded in fisheries. Progress southward along this parched coastline over the next two decades as a consequence proved especially slow, but advanced rapidly when two Portuguese, Nuno Tristão and Dinis Dias, independently reached the Senegal and Gambia Rivers in the years 1444 and 1446. After hundreds of kilometers of barren coastline, the Senegal River presented a striking ecological divide, for at this point rainfall becomes just sufficient to support agriculture. One fifteenth-century Venetian chronicler, Cadamosto, memorialized the dramatic social and ecological transformation wrought by the Senegal River on the crews of Portuguese caravels: "It appears to me a very marvellous thing that beyond the [Senegal] river all men are very black, tall and big, their bodies well formed; and the whole country green, full of trees, and fertile; while on this side [Mauritania], the men are brownish, small, lean, ill-nourished, and small in stature; the country sterile and arid."

Talking advantage of abundant marine resources for food supplies, the Portuguese established a trading fort north of the Senegal River on Arguim Island off the coast of Mauritania in 1448. The location served to provision the quickening number of Portuguese forays southward along the coast. This resulted in the discovery of the uninhabited Cape Verde archipelago, fourteen small volcanic islands some five hundred kilometers west of Senegal, on one return voyage in 1455. By 1460 the Portuguese had completed reconnaissance of the Upper Guinea Coast, the densely populated region from Senegal to Liberia that would serve as a major focus for the Atlantic slave trade.

continues with much more.....

Early Descriptions of Rice Culture

Senegambia, the name given to the region encompassed between the Senegal and Gambia Rivers, was the first section of the Grain or Rice Coast reached by Europeans (Figure 1.1). South of the Senegal River along the Upper Guinea Coast, precipitation increases steadily. The dominant cereals adapted to semiarid conditions, sorghum and millet, grade into rice over the broad region extending down the Atlantic coast from the Gambia River to Liberia, the area that would become known as the Grain or Rice Coast. Decades before ships would reach India, the Portuguese chronicler Gomes Eanes de Azurara recorded the first European mention of rice in West Africa. In 1446 Stevam Alfonso reached the mouth of a large river—possibly the Gambia—where he encountered the cultivation of wetland rice on floodplains: "They arrived sixty leagues beyond Cape Verde, where they met with a river which was of good width, and into it they entered with their caravels ... they found much of the land sown, and many fields sown with rice ... And he said that land ... seemed like marsh."

Alvise da Cadamosto, who visited the Gambia River in 1455 and again the following year, remarked upon the significance of rice as a dietary staple: "In this way of life they conduct themselves in almost all respects similarly to the negroes of the kingdom of Senega [Senegal]; they eat the same foods except they have more varieties of rice than grow in the country of Senega."

By 1460, less than twenty years after the first caravel sailed past the Senegal River, Portuguese ships had completed reconnaissance of the one thousand kilometers spanning the Upper Guinea Coast as well as the Cape Verde Islands. From this period commentaries on rice become even more abundant. Journeying along the West African coast in 1479-80, Eustache de la Fosse observed the cultivation of rice along coastal estuaries as well as the active purchase of surpluses by Portuguese vessels. Duarte Pacheco Pereira similarly noted during travels in 1505-1508 that rice and meat were in great abundance in the region of Guinea-Bissau. Valentim Fernandes, a German of Moravian birth who worked in Lisbon with early Portuguese mariner accounts, recorded in the period 1506-1510 the active trade in rice, millet, milk, and meat among the Gambian Mandinka: "They eat rice, milk, and millet ... Poor people who don't have sweet potatoes, have rice ... Their food is like that of the Wolof [of Senegal] except that they eat more rice and they have so much that they take it to sell and exchange, also [palm] wine, oil, and meat and other foodstuffs. Because this Mandinka land is very rich in food like rice and millet, etc."

For most of the fifteenth century trading was confined to ships, but by the end of the century Portuguese and Cape Verdean traders were being admitted to some West African communities. Subsequent European scholarship assumed these same Portuguese navigators and traders introduced irrigated rice cultivation to Africans along the Upper Guinea Coast. Yet in this early period, the Portuguese were attempting to understand this form of rice cultivation. Attributing the sophisticated irrigated system to Portuguese tutelage in later centuries failed to question how they came by this presumed knowledge, nor did it accord with mariner accounts.

Along the coast south of the Gambia River to Sierra Leone, a distance of about five hundred miles, rice proved so abundant that Portuguese ships routinely purchased it for provisions, often from the non-stratified rice-growing ethnic groups like the Baga, with whom they initiated an early trade in indigo. When English privateer, buccaneer, and slaver John Hawkins raided an island offshore Sierra Leone in 1562 and 1564, one chronicler recounted: "The Samboses had inhabited there 3 yeeres before our coming thither, and in so short space have so planted the ground, that they had great plentie of mill [millet], rise [sic], rootes, pompions, pullin, goates ... In addition to seizing all the captives they could, the English stole all the inhabitants' grains and fruits they could conveniently transport."

The trade in rice along the African coast was extensive; ships increasingly depended on African cereal surpluses for their voyages. Rice sales were frequently brokered with female traders, as the Portuguese-African (Luso-African) trader André Donelha observed around 1625 in Guinea-Bissau, "and here the black women hold a market when ships are in port; they bring for sale rice."

Settlement of the Cape Verde Islands involved the import of slaves amid an active trade with the mainland that included a diverse array of commodities: gold, ivory, kola nut, melegueta pepper, cowhides, animal pelts, cotton, iron, dye wood, beeswax, and food staples. The Cape Verdes were a crucial trading entrepôt for the expanding commerce with Portugal; ships bound for long Atlantic voyages in the fall and winter headed there with the prevailing northeast winds and followed the southward flow of the Canary Current before continuing on to Brazil, the West African coast, or India.

As the slave population on the islands grew, African agricultural staples became the basis for subsistence, with surpluses often sold to ships. By the early 1500s rice was being planted on the Cape Verde island most propitious for agriculture, Santiago, along with other key African domesticates such as yams, sorghum, and millet. In 1514 rice appears on cargo lists of ships departing the Cape Verde Islands, and one record from 1530 mentions the deliberate export of rice seed to Brazil. Portuguese vessels carried nearly all the slaves that made the trip to the Cape Verde Islands and the Americas prior to the 1620s, and they left the region with provisions on board. After crossing the Middle Passage, these vessels routinely stopped in Spanish Jamaica and Portuguese Maranhão to replenish victuals before continuing on to slave markets elsewhere. With the arrival in Cape Verde of ships from other European nations in the last decades of the sixteenth century and the growing number of trading forts established along the coast, references to rice increase; both settlement and trade relied upon African cereals for food.

Because of their proximity to navigation routes, the first African rice systems to receive mention were the ones located in coastal estuaries as well as upstream along the river floodplains of Senegambia. These rivers are low-lying and affected by marine water in the lower seventy to one hundred kilometers. Venturing upstream in search of potable water and safe anchorage, the Portuguese came across tidal floodplain cultivation. Valentim Fernandes (c. 1506-1510) recorded the first description of rice cultivation along tidal floodplains: "From Cape Vert until here there are two rainy seasons and two rains each year. Twice they sow and twice they harvest rice and millet etc., knowing they will harvest in April and in September, and when they gather in the rice then they sow yams and these they cultivate year round."

Here rice was submerged by tidal flow. Fernandes's account confuses the presence of two harvests with two rainy seasons; the climatological and historical record shows that this part of Senegal, then as now, only experiences a single rainy season in the months from May/June to September/October. What his description alludes to, however, is the practice of flood-recession agriculture, sometimes known by its French name, décrue, which likely accounts for the two harvests he mentions. Flood-recession cultivation is a system of planting on the floodplain after the onset of the dry season, when the reduced volume in river water has caused available fresh water to retreat. As the account of Fernandes indicates, décrue planting on soils with stored moisture reserves occurred in late fall or early winter, with harvesting taking place at the height of the dry season in April or May. Flood-recession agriculture remains to this day extremely important in the Sahel, the region south of the Sahara Desert, and especially along the Senegal and Niger Rivers.

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Originally posted by Red,White, and Blue + Christian:
Original Investigation
Y-chromosome lineages in Cabo Verde Islands witness the diverse geographic origin of its first male settlers
Rita Gonçalves1, Alexandra Rosa1, 2, Ana Freitas1, Ana Fernandes1, Toomas Kivisild2, Richard Villems2 and António Brehm1

http://www.springerlink.com/content/fcj8radx4hwgdm7r/

(1) Human Genetics Laboratory, Center of Macaronesian Studies, University of Madeira, Campus of Penteada, 9000-390 Funchal, Portugal
(2) Tartu University, Estonian Biocenter, Riia 24, Tartu, Estonia

Received: 14 May 2003 Accepted: 16 July 2003 Published online: 26 August 2003

Abstract The Y-chromosome haplogroup composition of the population of the Cabo Verde Archipelago was profiled by using 32 single-nucleotide polymorphism markers and compared with potential source populations from Iberia, west Africa, and the Middle East. According to the traditional view, the major proportion of the founding population of Cabo Verde was of west African ancestry with the addition of a minor fraction of male colonizers from Europe. Unexpectedly, more than half of the paternal lineages (53.5%) of Cabo Verdeans clustered in haplogroups I, J, K, and R1, which are characteristic of populations of Europe and the Middle East, while being absent in the probable west African source population of Guiné-Bissau. Moreover, a high frequency of J* lineages in Cabo Verdeans relates them more closely to populations of the Middle East and probably provides the first genetic evidence of the legacy of the Jews. In addition, the considerable proportion (20.5%) of E3b(xM81) lineages indicates a possible gene flow from the Middle East or northeast Africa, which, at least partly, could be ascribed to the Sephardic Jews. In contrast to the predominance of west African mitochondrial DNA haplotypes in their maternal gene pool, the major west African Y-chromosome lineage E3a was observed only at a frequency of 15.9%. Overall, these results indicate that gene flow from multiple sources and various sex-specific patterns have been important in the formation of the genomic diversity in the Cabo Verde islands.

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http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=1976131

Y-chromosomal diversity in the population of Guinea-Bissau: a multiethnic perspective
Alexandra Rosa,1,2 Carolina Ornelas,1,2 Mark A Jobling,3 António Brehm,2 and Richard Villems1

Results
The Guinea-Bissau Y chromosome pool is characterized by low haplogroup diversity (D = 0.470, sd 0.033), with the predominant haplogroup E3a*-M2 shared among the ethnic clusters and reaching a maximum of 82.2% in the Mandenka people. The Felupe-Djola and Papel groups exhibit the highest diversity of lineages and harbor the deep-rooting haplogroups A-M91, E2-M75 and E3*-PN2, typical of Sahel's more central and eastern areas. Their genetic distinction from other groups is statistically significant (P = 0.01) though not attributable to linguistic, geographic or religious criteria. Non sub-Saharan influences were associated with the presence of haplogroup R1b-P25 and particular lineages of E3b1-M78.


Conclusion
The predominance and high diversity of haplogroup E3a*-M2 suggests a demographic expansion in the equatorial western fringe, possibly supported by a local agricultural center. The paternal pool of the Mandenka and Balanta displays evidence of a particularly marked population growth among the Guineans, possibly reflecting the demographic effects of the agriculturalist lifestyle and their putative relationship to the people that introduced early cultivation practices into West Africa. The paternal background of the Felupe-Djola and Papel ethnic groups suggests a better conserved ancestral pool deriving from East Africa, from where they have supposedly migrated in recent times. Despite the overall homogeneity in a multiethnic sample, which contrasts with their social structure, minor clusters suggest the imprints of multiple peoples at different timescales: traces of ancestral inhabitants in haplogroups A-M91 and B-M60, today typical of hunter-gatherers; North African influence in E3b1-M78 Y chromosomes, probably due to trans-Saharan contacts; and R1b-P25 lineages reflecting European admixture via the North Atlantic slave trade.

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As you can see R1b is in Guinea Bissau along with E3b. One study gives credit to the Sephardic Jews for E3b another gives credit to East Africa.

The posting above shows slavery was in place on American soil by 1565 under the Spanish in Florida and mentions a Mandingo with a Spanish name!

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Originally posted by Red,White, and Blue + Christian:


Alex Haley Line - R1b Y Chromosme


11 November 2007

Honoring Our Ancestors: Haley Family of Roots Fame Joins the DNA Game, by Megan Smolenyak Smolenyak

Many of you have probably heard or read about the entry of Ancestry into the genetic genealogy world. And some of you may have also heard that one of the first in line to get tested by DNA Ancestry was Chris Haley, Director of the Study of the Legacy of Slavery in Maryland at the Maryland State Archives and –oh, yeah–the nephew of Alex Haley.

The Haley Line
While we strongly associate the Haley name with “Roots,” the classic book that has inspired so many avid genealogists, that particular book isn’t actually about the Haley line. But “Queen,” a later book by Alex Haley and David Stevens, gives a brief accounting of this branch of the family tree:



“Following the common custom among slaves, Alec had taken the name Haley from his true Massa, although his real father’s name was Baugh. William Baugh was an overseer . . .”

Alec was the grandfather of Alex and the great-grandfather of Chris. And his father had been an overseer. So to the best of the family’s knowledge, the progenitor of the Haley line was of European origin, not African.

The Legacy of Plantation Life
Those familiar with the dynamics of plantation society probably aren’t surprised by this. In fact, roughly twenty-five to thirty percent of paternal lines in African American families are actually European in origin. But until recently, there weren’t many options for researching this reality–especially since this is the kind of situation that rarely resulted in a paper trail.

But genetic genealogy is now offering a means to explore this, and Chris Haley decided to give it a go. If you’re curious about what’s involved in DNA testing, you can watch Chris take his test at this year’s FGS conference in Fort Wayne, Indiana, by checking out this brief and entertaining video. Aside from his other credentials, you’ll see that he’s quite a showman!

Preliminary Results
Since Y-DNA is passed intact from father to son down through the generations, if the Haley family lore was correct, Chris, who is a direct-line male descendent of Alec Haley, should have tested as having a European haplotype or genetic signature. And sure enough, he did. He’s from haplogroup R1b, one commonly found in Western Europe. If you could visualize a paternal family tree of all of mankind, the R1b branch is actually the most pronounced in this part of the globe, so Chris has plenty of distant genetic cousins, as well as scientific confirmation of the long told family story. But what else could he learn?

Next Steps
Chris has several options. He could leave it here, content to have learned more about his deep ancestry in the paternal branch of his pedigree. But when I walked him through his results, we discovered that he had a perfect match. Chris took a high-resolution test–forty-six markers–and there’s another person in the DNA Ancestry database who matches him. This means that the two of them share a common ancestor–and probably not too many generations ago.

This person has chosen to keep his identity private and is listed as “Anonymous.” That doesn’t mean that Chris is out to of luck. Ancestry offers an e-mail connection system that allows Chris to send a message to this person even though Chris doesn’t know his name or e-mail address. Then it’s up to this fellow whether he wants to communicate, but since most people get tested for the purpose of finding genetic mates, there’s a good chance that he will respond to Chris so the two of them can compare notes. This, then, is the logical next step.

Down the Road
But even beyond that, there’s more that Chris can do. He can explore online public access databases (such as http://www.ybase.org/, http://www.ysearch.org/ and http://www.smgf.org/) to find more matches–particularly any sporting the Haley or Baugh surname–and exchange information with anyone he finds. And he could even use his genealogical detective skills to locate direct-line male descendants of any Baugh and Haley families known to have lived in the same location around the same time as his great-grandfather, Alec. If they agreed to get DNA tested, the matchmaking game could then be used to attempt to substantiate the family story of a Baugh male being the progenitor. It’s up to Chris what his next step will be, but he has plenty of options and lots he can possibly learn!

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Originally posted by Red,White, and Blue + Christian:
Original Investigation
Y-chromosome lineages in Cabo Verde Islands witness the diverse geographic origin of its first male settlers
Rita Gonçalves1, Alexandra Rosa1, 2, Ana Freitas1, Ana Fernandes1, Toomas Kivisild2, Richard Villems2 and António Brehm1

http://www.springerlink.com/content/fcj8radx4hwgdm7r/

(1) Human Genetics Laboratory, Center of Macaronesian Studies, University of Madeira, Campus of Penteada, 9000-390 Funchal, Portugal
(2) Tartu University, Estonian Biocenter, Riia 24, Tartu, Estonia

Received: 14 May 2003 Accepted: 16 July 2003 Published online: 26 August 2003

Abstract The Y-chromosome haplogroup composition of the population of the Cabo Verde Archipelago was profiled by using 32 single-nucleotide polymorphism markers and compared with potential source populations from Iberia, west Africa, and the Middle East. According to the traditional view, the major proportion of the founding population of Cabo Verde was of west African ancestry with the addition of a minor fraction of male colonizers from Europe. Unexpectedly, more than half of the paternal lineages (53.5%) of Cabo Verdeans clustered in haplogroups I, J, K, and R1, which are characteristic of populations of Europe and the Middle East, while being absent in the probable west African source population of Guiné-Bissau. Moreover, a high frequency of J* lineages in Cabo Verdeans relates them more closely to populations of the Middle East and probably provides the first genetic evidence of the legacy of the Jews. In addition, the considerable proportion (20.5%) of E3b(xM81) lineages indicates a possible gene flow from the Middle East or northeast Africa, which, at least partly, could be ascribed to the Sephardic Jews. In contrast to the predominance of west African mitochondrial DNA haplotypes in their maternal gene pool, the major west African Y-chromosome lineage E3a was observed only at a frequency of 15.9%. Overall, these results indicate that gene flow from multiple sources and various sex-specific patterns have been important in the formation of the genomic diversity in the Cabo Verde islands.

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http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=1976131

Y-chromosomal diversity in the population of Guinea-Bissau: a multiethnic perspective
Alexandra Rosa,1,2 Carolina Ornelas,1,2 Mark A Jobling,3 António Brehm,2 and Richard Villems1

Results
The Guinea-Bissau Y chromosome pool is characterized by low haplogroup diversity (D = 0.470, sd 0.033), with the predominant haplogroup E3a*-M2 shared among the ethnic clusters and reaching a maximum of 82.2% in the Mandenka people. The Felupe-Djola and Papel groups exhibit the highest diversity of lineages and harbor the deep-rooting haplogroups A-M91, E2-M75 and E3*-PN2, typical of Sahel's more central and eastern areas. Their genetic distinction from other groups is statistically significant (P = 0.01) though not attributable to linguistic, geographic or religious criteria. Non sub-Saharan influences were associated with the presence of haplogroup R1b-P25 and particular lineages of E3b1-M78.


Conclusion
The predominance and high diversity of haplogroup E3a*-M2 suggests a demographic expansion in the equatorial western fringe, possibly supported by a local agricultural center. The paternal pool of the Mandenka and Balanta displays evidence of a particularly marked population growth among the Guineans, possibly reflecting the demographic effects of the agriculturalist lifestyle and their putative relationship to the people that introduced early cultivation practices into West Africa. The paternal background of the Felupe-Djola and Papel ethnic groups suggests a better conserved ancestral pool deriving from East Africa, from where they have supposedly migrated in recent times. Despite the overall homogeneity in a multiethnic sample, which contrasts with their social structure, minor clusters suggest the imprints of multiple peoples at different timescales: traces of ancestral inhabitants in haplogroups A-M91 and B-M60, today typical of hunter-gatherers; North African influence in E3b1-M78 Y chromosomes, probably due to trans-Saharan contacts; and R1b-P25 lineages reflecting European admixture via the North Atlantic slave trade.

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As you can see R1b is in Guinea Bissau along with E3b. One study gives credit to the Sephardic Jews for E3b another gives credit to East Africa.


[QB] This graph comes from the full text version about Giuinea Bissau's Y chromosomes



As you can see clearly

E1b1b [formerly E3b Y chromosome] has reached West Africa's Atlantic coast and is seen in a variety of ethnic groups

The posting above shows slavery was in place on American soil by 1565 under the Spanish in Florida and mentions a Mandingo with a Spanish name!

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Posts: 13012 | From: Chicago | Registered: Jan 2006  |  IP: Logged | 

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Originally posted by Clyde Winters:

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Originally posted by Elmaestro:
^hmm, I though Northern Cameroon, South-Western Chad, North-Eastern Nigeria and Southern Niger was apart of the Sahelian/Sudanic belt... I guess I have to get my geography game up.

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The majority of slaves sold from the Sahelian-Sahara region went to Brazil. The oldest Brazilian and Mexican slaves were from the Senegambian/ Guinea regions.

If you are interested in slavery in these areas Check out the following papers:

https://www.academia.edu/1529630/Islam_in_Early_North_and_South_America

https://www.academia.edu/8492681/Muslims_in_Pluralistic_Societies_The_Case_of_the_West_Indies

https://www.academia.edu/8492553/The_Muslims_of_Rio_de_Janeiro

https://www.academia.edu/8491185/The_Afro-Brazilian_Concept_of_Jihad_and_the_1835_Slave_Revolt

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The reason why I posted this study here is because the Hausa stood out.





http://www.pnas.org/content/107/2/786/F1.large.jpg

—Bryc K, Carlos D. Bustamante et al.

Genome-wide patterns of population structure and admixture in West Africans and African Americans.

Posts: 22234 | From: האם אינכם כילדי הכרית אלי בני ישראל | Registered: Nov 2010  |  IP: Logged | 

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Originally posted by the lioness,:
http://i.imgur.com/9MVciAo.png

Equatorial Guinea
By Oscar Scafidi

there's your M269 ^

whereas the V88 was local

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Posts: 22234 | From: האם אינכם כילדי הכרית אלי בני ישראל | Registered: Nov 2010  |  IP: Logged | 

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Originally posted by Andromeda2025:

in the beginning of the transatlantic slave trade especially in North America, Sahelian slaves where the dominant population,

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Posts: 42919 | From: , | Registered: Jan 2010  |  IP: Logged | 

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That is not true.

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Posts: 165 | From: Miami Beach, Florida | Registered: Jun 2017  |  IP: Logged | 

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Originally posted by the lioness,:
[qb] [QUOTE]Originally posted by Andromeda2025:

in the beginning of the transatlantic slave trade especially in North America, Sahelian slaves where the dominant population,

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Posts: 42919 | From: , | Registered: Jan 2010  |  IP: Logged | 

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Originally posted by BlessedbyHorus:
[QB] @lioness knock it off. He's saying that Sahelian slaves were the more preferred slaves early on.

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http://www.sciway.net/hist/chicora/slavery18-2.html

The slave traders discovered that Carolina planters had very specific ideas concerning the ethnicity of the slaves they sought. No less a merchant than Henry Laurens wrote:

The Slaves from the River Gambia are preferr'd to all others with us [here in Carolina] save the Gold Coast.... next to Them the Windward Coast are preferr'd to Angolas.

In other words, slaves from the region of Senegambia and present-day Ghana were preferred. At the other end of the scale were the "Calabar" or Ibo or "Bite" slaves from the Niger Delta, who Carolina planters would purchase only if no others were available. In the middle were those from the Windward Coast and Angola.

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http://www.historyisfun.org/pdf/Curriculum-Materials/AngolanConnection.pdf

The Angolan Connection And Slavery in virginia

The first Africans in Virginia in the 17th century came from the Kongo/Angola regions of West Central Africa. They were part of a large system established by the Portuguese in Africa to capture and supply slaves to the Spanish colonies in Central and South America. Two privateering vessels raiding in the Caribbean took some of the Af- ricans from a Portuguese ship and brought them to Virginia, where they sold them. The status of these early Africans as either servant or slave in Virginia is unknown.

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